Bibliotheca
Sacra 113 (Jan. 1956) 37-45.
Copyright © 1956 by
THE IMPORTANCE OF THE
SEPTUAGINT
FOR BIBLICAL
STUDIES
THE INFLUENCE OF THE SEPTUAGINT
ON THE NEW TESTAMENT
VOCABULARY
By
A reader of the New Testament who
approaches it by
way of familiarity with the Old Testament is likely
to recog-
nize a certain similarity of
structure and idiom, but he will
not think of it as strange because his mind has
been condi-
tioned by the reading of the
Old Testament. But if one were
to come to the reading of the Greek New Testament
without
this background, having only an acquaintance with
classical
Greek,
let us say, he would be impressed with certain fea-
tures that would strike him
as peculiar. In other words, he
would discover that the New Testament, although
written in a
language to which he is accustomed, possesses
constructions
and meanings of words for which his knowledge of
classical
Greek
provides him no preparation. These are especially
marked in the quotations, but also characterize the composi-
tion of the various books to
a greater or lesser degree. The
technical term for these features is Semitism, a
term broad
enough to include both Hebraism and Aramaism (the general
subject of Semitisms can be explored to good
advantage in
J.
H. Moulton, Grammar of New Testament Greek,
II, 411-85).
SEMITISMS
Even Luke, the one New Testament
writer who can be
safely judged to have been a Gentile, shows Semitic
influence.
In
his case it is chiefly due, no doubt, to the use of Semitic
source materials. The first two chapters of his
Gospel, for
example, bear evidences of Semitic influence to
a marked
degree. One instance will suffice to establish the
point--the
use of kai egeneto in temporal clauses, a recognized Semi-
(37)
38 Bibliotheca
Sacra
tism (1:23, 41, 59; 2:15)
which reflects the wayehi
("and it
came to pass") which is so common in narrative
portions of
the Old Testament.
Another example is the cognate
accusative, in which a
verb is followed by a noun of the same root used in
an ad-
verbial sense. So in Mark 4:41,
we read that the disciples
"feared a great fear," which means that they feared
greatly.
It
would not occur to a native Greek to write this way, as the
adverb would be an entirely natural and adequate means
of
expressing the same idea.
Much more important, however, than
the influence of
Semitic
constructions upon the New Testament is the shaping
of the concepts which it contains. Hebrew
mentality and us-
age is impressed upon Greek terminology. In large
part this
influence is due to the Septuagint. In the making
of this ver-
sion the translators were
faced with the necessity of giving
their sacred writings a Greek dress. New meanings
became
imparted to familiar Greek words, reflecting the
peculiar
nature of the Hebrew revelation, which necessarily
differed
considerably from Greek religious
thought.
In the first flush of the discovery
that the language of the
New
Testament was basically the language of every-day life,
as revealed by the nonliterary papyri, it was
natural that
Deissmann should underestimate the Semitic
influence in the
Greek of the New Testament. J. H. Moulton largely
shared
his point of view, but he became more cautious
toward the
end of his life, granting a larger degree of
Semitic influence
than he was prepared to admit at the beginning (ibid., p
413).
As time has passed and investigation
has proceeded, the
consensus of judgment is that the influence of the
Septuagint
upon the New Testament is so important as to be
crucial in
the field of interpretation. This was the
conviction of Ger-
hard Kittel, the first
editor of the Theologisches Worterbuch
zum Neuen Testament, and it is reflected in
the articles
which have been contributed to this monumental work
by a
large coterie of German scholars. Each important word
of
the New Testament is traced from its classical
Greek setting
Septuagint Influence on
the New Testament 39
through the Septuagint into the New Testament,
with attention
also to the papyri and the Hellenistic sources. Only
a few of
these articles have so far been translated into
English.
It is unquestionably true that the
use of the terms in the
New
Testament not only reflects Septuagint usage but goes
beyond it in some instances. This is due to the
climactic
character of revelation in the person and work of
Christ and
in the church which He established. To trace the
added fea-
tures which the New Testament
supplies over and above the
contribution of the Septuagint is a
task which can only with
difficulty be disengaged from the process of
discovering Sep-
tuagintal influence proper.
WORD STUDIES
The best way to gain some conception
of the debt of the
New
Testament to the Septuagint is to select a few samples
from the vocabulary of the New Testament and trace
their
use from classical Greek writers through the
Septuagint into
the New Testament, much in the manner of the Kittel volumes.
A good starting point is the word adelphos, which
in
classical usage means blood brother. This meaning is natu-
rally retained in the Septuagint, but here the word
also means
neighbor and then further denotes a member of the same na-
tion (see H. A. A. Kennedy, Sources of New Testament
Greek, pp. 95-96, for illustrative passages). In the New
Testament
all of these meanings make their appearance, plus
one which is new, for Christians find this term
suitable as a
description of themselves, no matter what their
place of res-
idence or nationality may be.
Because believers form the
family of the redeemed and constitute, so to speak, a
new
nation, a group with a distinctive character and
cohesion all
their own (1 Pet. 2:9-10), adelphos is deemed an appropriate
term to set forth this new relationship within the
Christian
church.
A second line of investigation leads
us to consider the
word truth
(for useful epitomes, see G. Kittel, Die Religious-
geschichte and das Urchristentum, especially pp. 86-88;
40 Bibliotheca
Sacra
G.
H. Dodd, The
Bible and the Greeks, pp. 65-75). In Ho-
mer aletheia denotes veracity as
opposed to falsehood. Later
classical times witness an enlargement of usage,
since it
comes to express what is real or factual as opposed
to ap-
pearance or opinion. That which
is true corresponds with
the nature of things. In this sense the truth is
eternal and
divine, for the Greek recognized no distinction
between the
natural and the supernatural. These values are
continued in
the Septuagint use of aletheia, but because of the
circum-
stance that it was often used to translate 'emeth, a
Hebrew
word for truth which stresses the elements of
reliability and
trustworthiness, a new content becomes
added. Often the
word is used to describe God and also His Word. On
these
one may rest with confidence, for they will not
fail. So,
whereas the classical aletheia largely serves as an intellec-
tual term, the same word in
its Septuagint setting has often
a decidedly moral connotation, especially when
used with
reference to the divine.
New Testament writers draw from both
st:reams of
meaning, so that the exegete must be constantly
on the alert
to detect, if he can, whether aletheia means reality or trust-
worthiness. John and Paul make largest use of the
term.
The
Greek sense seems clearly present in passages like Ro-
mans 1:25, whereas a comparison of Romans 3:3 and
3:4
shows with equal clearness that here the Hebraic
background
is powerfully operative. Paul is especially fond
of linking
the word truth
with the gospel. Here the two strains may be
said to unite, for the gospel message corresponds to
reality
(that is, it is ultimate truth, much in the same way that the
writer to the Hebrews argues the finality of the
Christian
dispensation with the aid of the
related word alethinos,
as
John
does likewise), and for that very reason is reliable,
but even more so because the gospel originates with
God and
possesses His own guarantee.
For John the acme of the concept
lies in its application
to Jesus Christ. To be set free by the truth and
to be set
free by the Son are two ways of saying the same
thing (John
8:32,
36). Dodd observes that whereas the Jewish conception
Septuagint Influence on the New
Testament 41
was to the effect that the divine truth ('emeth) was
expressed
in the Torah, John places it in the person of
Christ (see the
discussion in Kittel, op. cit., pp. 88-90). Paul comes close
to doing the same thing (Eph. 4:21). The New
Testament,
then, has arrived at a synthesis of the two
approaches to
truth, and this synthesis is thoroughly defensible in
the court
of reason, for only that which possesses reality
is worthy of
confidence. But the daring step taken here is in
the identifi-
cation of truth in all its
finality with the man Christ Jesus.
Another term with an interesting
semantic history is
kosmos. We can only summarize
here. The classical mean-
ing is order, adornment, beauty. This basic concept appears
also in the Septuagint and in the New Testament. An
easy
application of this notion finds the word employed
in the Greek
philosophers for the universe. Here the Greek thinkers
found
system and order. But in turning to the Septuagint we
do not
find kosmos used in this sense. Where we might expect to
find it, in Genesis 1:1, we find instead a
duality--"the heav-
ens and the earth." To
be sure, kosmos
is employed in con-
nection with the creation story
(Gen. 2:1), but only in the
sense of "host" or of "order."
The latter meaning is very
attractive because it fits better the application
to the earth.
While
host is a fitting term to apply to
the vast array of
heavenly bodies, the term order is also appropriate, and it
certainly accords well with the thought that the
creation had
stocked the earth with things of beauty designed
to fill a well-
ordered place in an integrated existence.
As Kittel
observes, however, the essential thing in the
Old
Testament is not so much the element of order as the
fact of creation by God. The unity of order lies not
in the
kosmos but in the Creator. At
any rate, the point which is
very clear and must be stressed is that the Greek
concept of
universe is lacking in the Septuagint.
In the books of Maccabees,
we begin to find kosmos
used
of this world over which God stands as Creator and
Sovereign
(2
Macc. 7:9, 23; 4 Macc.
5:25). Here the word does not
describe the universe, but the lower half, so to
speak, this
world. We read of birth as a "coming into the
world" (4
42 Bibliotheca
Sacra
Macc. 16:18).
But because this world is a place of
man's abode and ac-
tivity, and because he is a
sinful creature, the way is pre-
pared for that peculiar usage of kosmos found in the New
Testament,
wherein that which by its original Greek signifi-
cance should express order is
now found to be riddled by rebel-
lion and chaos and evil. The kingdoms of this world
are un-
der
Satan's
dominion, and the men of this world are alienated
from the life of God. Yet the one element of hope in
this dis-
ordered cosmos is the reconciling mission of the
Son of God
which results in restoration, the re-establishment of
order.
One or two sidelights clamor for
attention before leaving
this word. The versatility of the Apostle Paul is
shown by
the fact that in addressing a Greek audience at
lows himself to use kosmos in a way which would
appeal to
his audience, namely, as inclusive of heaven and
earth, even
though this concept was not a part of his Hebraic
inheritance
(Acts 17:14). The Revised Standard
Version has Paul refer-
ring to "the elemental spirits of the
universe" on several
occasions (Gal. 4:3; Col. 2:8, 20). It is not our
purpose to
deal with the expression "elemental
spirits," though this
rendering is subject to serious question. Rather,
we are
content here to point out that the translation
"universe" vio-
lates the trend which the
word kosmos
has taken in its Bibli-
cal setting, as our brief study has shown. It is
doubtful that
Paul
would be conceding anything to Greek thought in letters
addressed to Christians. The situation is quite
different
from that in Acts 17. While it is true that kosmos and the
term "elements" are found conjoined in a pre-Christian
set-
ting in Wisdom 7:17, "world" has an
earthly connotation and
"elements" refers to physical ingredients (cf. 2 Pet.
3:10
12)
rather than to an order of spiritual intelligences
(see
W.
J. Deane, The Book of Wisdom, p. 148).
Another word with a fascinating
history is doxa,
which
in the New Testament is most frequently rendered glory.
By
reason of the fact that the root dokeo means to think
and
to seem, the noun followed the same double pattern. As the
result of thought-activity, it came to mean opinion. A vari-
Septuagint Influence on
the New Testament 43
ation of this, the opinion in
which one is held by others,
yields the meaning reputation.
Ordinarily this occurs in a
favorable setting, hence carries the idea of fame,
honor,
glory; if the sense is adverse, an adjective readily
gives it
the flavor of notoriety. Branching out from the
other mean-
ing of the verb, doxa comes to
signify appearance or fancy.
This
summarizes broadly the classical usage. With the de-
cline of Greek civilization and the growing habit of
looking
backward with veneration to the views of the
leading philoso-
phers, our word tends to
appear in a somewhat technical
sense, descriptive of a given philosophical point of
view or
tenet. This usage is reflected in the term doxographer.
In the Septuagint the meaning opinion is dropped, and
this applies likewise to the New Testament. Reputation and
related ideas continue to be associated with doxa, however,
thus providing a link with the classical background.
Some
twenty-five Hebrew words are translated by it,
some of these
having only remote connection with established
meanings of
the word. Most often, doxa appears as the translation
of
kabhodh, which derives from a
root meaning to be heavy.
This
term fits readily into a metaphorical setting in the sense
of importance, wealth, power, etc. Since one of
the mean-
ings of this Hebrew word is reputation (or honor, or prestige)
and another is praise,
one can understand how doxa
was cho-
sen to render it, since
these meanings are congenial to the
Greek word. But kabhodh has certain meanings
originally
unknown to doxa, such as majesty, splendor, riches, beauty,
might, and even person or self. A highly specialized use of
the word is its employment in the Old Testament to
denote
the glory of God, the outward, visible
manifestation of bril-
liant light which
appropriately expressed the excellence of
His spirit-nature. This revelational use of the word comes
out in connection with the pillar of cloud and fire,
in the vi-
sions of Ezekiel, and
elsewhere.
The problem facing us here is to
explain, if possible,
the appearance of a whole bevy of new concepts in
the use of
doxa which are not found in
the classical setting. The expla-
nation put forward tentatively by Deissmann
that the concept
44 Bibliotheca
Sacra
of light belonged to doxa in popular Greek usage, but
for some
reason did not appear in the literature, is highly
dubious. It
lacks evidence. The same thing is true of Reitzenstein's at-
tempt to trace the light-element back to Iranian
sources by
way of
Rather, the problem should be
approached from within
the Septuagint itself. As we have noted, a
continuum in the
use of the word from older times is the meaning reputation.
It
was not too difficult to extend the use of doxa from that
point to include the concept of majesty, which
belonged na-
tively to kabhodh but not to doxa. Once this
extension was
accomplished, it was not felt too
strange to go a step further
and make the word do service for outward display of
majesty
the revelation glory of the true God. Then all the
other mean-
ings which adhered to kabhodh became
transferred to doxa,
such as riches,
might, person, etc. So before we are
through, we are face to face with one of the
most startling
semantic changes known to us. New wine is being
poured into-
the old wineskin.
It remains to note, however briefly,
the debt of the New
Testament
to the Septuagint in perpetuating the new emphases
given to doxa. In several passages Paul links the term riches:
with glory in away which suggests the Old Testament associ-
ation (Rom. 9:23; Eph. 1:18;
3:16; Phil. 4:19; Col. 1:27). Not
less striking is the employment of doxa to suggest
power
especially in relation to the theme of resurrection
(
John
11:40). In John 2:11 something of this usage seems to
be present also. In Luke 9:32 the transfiguration
glory of
Christ
recalls the light-revelation passages of the Old Cove-
nant. At his conversion Saul
of Tarsus glimpsed the glory
of the risen, ascended Lord (Acts 22:11).
The highest point is reached when
the word is used not
exclusively of the visible manifestation of God but
of the in-
trinsic excellence and worth of
the Lord. John links the doxa
of Christ with inward realities, even grace and
truth (John
1:14).
Paul sees the Christian being conformed to the image
of Christ's moral glory by the ministry of the
Holy Spirit
(2
Cor. 3:18).
Septuagint Influence on the New
Testament 45
We find it rather natural to associate
the person and
manifestation of the Lord God with
light, though we may find
it hard to analyze the significance of the
association. Per-
haps in addition to moral perfection ("God is
light and in Him
is no darkness at all") we should grant with
Karl Barth (Die
Kirkliche Dogmatik, third edition, II,
722, 733, 735) that the
glory of God is another way of stating the beauty of
God. God
as infinite and eternal is overpowering to our
finite minds.
But
as light, He is a Person of beauty in whose fellowship
the saints will find endless delight.
In conclusion, it should be stated
that not all the impor-
tant terms of the Septuagint
manifest serious alteration in
meaning, but from these few examples it will be
obvious that
the student of Scripture cannot afford to be
indifferent to the
Semitic
influence which has flowed into the Greek of the New
Testament
by way of the Septuagint, and must learn to exam-
ine New Testament concepts
in the light both of their Greek
and Hebrew provenance.
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