Westminster Theological Journal, 53 (1991) 241-261.

Copyright © 1991 by Westminster Theological Seminary, cited with permission;

   digitally prepared for use at Gordon College]   

 

 

                                         THE MOSAIC LAW

              AND THE THEOLOGY OF THE PENTATEUCH

 

 

                                         JOHN H. SAILHAMER

 

 

                                                I. Introduction

THE purpose of this article is to raise the question of the role of the

Mosaic Law in the theology of the Pentateuch. By "theology of the

Pentateuch," I mean the major themes and purposes that lie behind its final

composition.

 

1. The Final Composition of the Pentateuch

Much has been written in recent years about the final composition of the

Pentateuch.1  In an earlier paper, I attempted to demonstrate the influence

of prophetic hope and eschatology in its composition.2 The Pentateuch, I

argued, represents an attempt to point to the same hope as the later proph-

ets, namely, the New Covenant.3 "The narrative texts of past events are

presented as pointers to events that lie yet in the future. Past events fore-

shadow the future."4 Along similar lines, though working from quite differ-

ent assumptions, Hans-Christoph Schmitt has argued that the Pentateuch

is the product of a unified compositional strategy that lays great emphasis

on faith.5 According to Schmitt, the same theme is found within the com-

position of the prophetic books, like Isaiah, and ultimately can be traced

into the NT, e.g., the Book of Hebrews.

Schmitt's approach differs from many critical approaches in that he

treats the Pentateuch as one would the later historical books, that is, as the

 

1 Erhard Blum, Studien zur Komposition des Pentateuch (Berlin: Walter de

Gruyter, 1990); Rolf E Knierim, "The Composition of the Pentateuch," in SBLSP 1985,

395-415; Erhard Blum, Die Komposition der Vatergeschichte (Neukirchen-Vluyn:

Neukirchener Verlag, 1984); RolfRendtorff, Das Uberlieferungs-geschichtliche

Problem des Pentateuch (BZAW 147; Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1977).

2 John H. Sailhamer, "The Canonical Approach to the OT: Its Effect on Understanding

Prophecy," JETS 30 (1987) 307-15.

3 This does not necessarily imply that the final composition of the Pentateuch is later than

that of the prophetic books. On the contrary, if the composition of the Pentateuch were dated

before that of the prophetic books, it would help explain the origin of the message of those

books. In the discussion which follows, the date of the final composition of the Pentateuch as

such is taken to be Mosaic.

4 Sailhamer, "The Canonical Approach," 311.

5 Hans-Christoph Schmitt, "Redaktion des Pentateuch im Geiste der Prophetie," VT 32

(1982) 170-89.

241



242                 WESTMINSTER THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL

 

product of an intentional theological redaction or composition. One must

start from the final form of the book and ask what each part of the whole

contributes to its theological intention. Schmitt argues that each major

unit6 of narrative in the Pentateuch shows signs of a homogeneous theo-

logical redaction. A characteristic feature of this redaction is the recurrence

of the terminology of "faith" (e.g. b Nymxh).7 At crucial compositional seams

throughout the Pentateuch, Schmitt is able to find convincing evidence of

a "faith theme," that is, a consistent assessment of the narrative events in

light of the rule of "faith" (b Nymxh).8 According to Schmitt, this redaction

represents the final stages in the composition of the Pentateuch--later even

than the so-called priestly redaction. According to Schmitt, it does not

reflect an emphasis on keeping the priestly law codes (viz., the Mosaic Law)

but rather on preserving a sense of trust in God and an expectation of his

work in the future. It is in light of this eschatological expectation of God's

future work that the redaction lays great stress on "faith."9

Schmitt's study goes a long way in demonstrating an important part of

the theological intention and orientation of the Pentateuch as a narrative text.

Put simply, Schmitt shows that the Pentateuch is intended to teach "faith" in God.10

An important question raised by Schmitt's study is whether the concept

of "faith" in the Pentateuch is intended to stand in opposition to the

 

6 The largest literary units (grosseren Einheiten) which are linked in the final redaction of

the Pentateuch, according to Schmitt, are the Primeval History, the Patriarchal Narratives,

the Exodus Narratives, the Sinai Narratives, and the Wilderness Narratives. See Rendtorff,

Das Uberlieferungs-geschichtliche Problem, 19ff.

7 It is important to note that, according to Schmitt, the terminology of "faith" (b Nymxh)

occurs only at the redactional seams. See n. 8.

8 The key texts of that redaction are Gen 15:6, "And Abraham believed in [b Nymxh] the

Lord and he reckoned it to him for righteousness"; Exod 4:5, "In order that they might believe

[vnymxy] that the Lord, the God of their fathers. . . has appeared to you"; Exod 14:31, "And

they [the people] believed in b Nymxh] the Lord and in Moses his servant"; Num 14:11, "How

long will they [the people] not believe in b Nymxh] me"; Num 20:12, "And the Lord said to

Moses and Aaron, 'Because you did not believe in b Nymxh] me.' " See also Deut 1:32 and 9:23.

Schmitt has not discussed Gen 45:26, the only occurrence of the term for "faith" outside of

Schmitt's redactional seams, because it does not show other signs of belonging to the

"Glaubens-Thematik."

9 "So steht am Ende der Pentateuchentstehung nicht die Abschliessung in ein Ordnungs-

denken theokratischen Charakters. Vielmehr geht es hier darum, in prophetischem Geiste die

Offenheit fur ein neues Handeln Gottes zu wahren und in diesem Zusammenhang mit dem

aus der prophetischen Tradition entnommenen Begriff des “Glaubens" eine Haltung heraus-

zustellen, die spater auch das Neue Testament als fur das Gottesverhaltnis zentral ansieht"

(Schmitt, "Redaktion des Pentateuch," 188-89).

10 It is important to note that such a reading of the Pentateuch, as a lesson on faith, can

be found throughout the subsequent canonical literature. Pss 78 and 106, two psalms that look

at the meaning of the whole of the Pentateuch, both read the events of the Pentateuch as

evidence of the Israelites' faith or faithlessness (cf. Ps 78:22, 32, 37; 106:12, 24). A similar

reading is found in Nehemiah 9, which is a rehearsal of the pentateuchal narrative in its

present form (cf. Neh 9:8). The example of Hebrews 11 has already been pointed out.



THE MOSAIC LAW                                     243

 

Mosaic Law or whether this faith is to be understood simply as "keeping

the law."11 To say it another way, can we find evidence in the composition

of the Pentateuch that the author is concerned with the question of "faith

versus works of the law"?

It is well known that this issue surfaces a number of times in other OT

texts. In Ps 51:18-19 (English vv. 16-17), for example, David says, "For

thou hast no delight in sacrifice. . . . The sacrifice acceptable to God is a

broken spirit" and in Mic 6:6-8 it says, "With what shall I come before the

Lord. . . Shall I come before him with burnt offerings? He has showed you,

O man, what is good . . . to do justice, and to love kindness, and to walk

humbly with your God?" Since such texts do, in fact, exist within the OT,

we may, with some justification, look for similar ideas within the theological

macrostructure of the Pentateuch.

In the present article, we will attempt to show that the issue of "faith

versus works of the law" was, indeed, central to the theological purpose of

the Pentateuch. Specifically, we will argue that, among other things, the

Pentateuch is an attempt to contrast the lives of two individuals, Abraham

and Moses. Abraham, who lived before the law (ante legem), is portrayed as

one who kept the law, whereas Moses, who lived under the law (sub lege),

is portrayed as one who died in the wilderness because he did not believe.

If such a contrast between faith and works is, in fact, a part of the com-

positional strategy of the Pentateuch, then we may rightfully conclude that

part of the purpose of the book was to show not merely the way of faith, but

also the weakness of the law.

 

2. The Genre of the Pentateuch

In a recent article, Rolf Knierim has focused attention on the question of

the genre of the Pentateuch as a whole.12 Knierim has argued that the

Pentateuch consists of two major generic sections: Genesis and Exodus-

Deuteronomy. According to him, Genesis is to be taken as an introduction

to the whole of the Pentateuch. The genre of the central section of the

Pentateuch, Exodus-Deuteronomy, is not so much that of a narrative his-

tory of Israel, as is commonly supposed in biblical scholarship, but rather

its genre is that of a biography, specifically, a biography of Moses.

This is not the place to enter into a full discussion of Knierim's descrip-

tion of the genre of the Pentateuch. It is enough to say that his general

observations about the Pentateuch are convincing. The Pentateuch devotes

 

11 There are indications in Schmitt's study that the notion of faith in the Pentateuch is put

in opposition to that of "obedience to the law." Schmitt has argued, for example, that the

"faith" seams overlay and reinterpret the narratives which have stressed obedience to the law

(cf. comments below on Num 20:12).

12 Knierim, "The Composition of the Pentateuch," 395-415.



244                 WESTMINSTER THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL

 

its attention more to the individual Moses than to the nation of Israel.

Hence its overall purpose in all likelihood should be understood in relation-

ship more to the life of Moses, per se, than to the history of the nation. As

such it is reasonable to conclude that the Pentateuch reads much like and

apparently aims to be a biography.

Since the purpose of a biography is the presentation or conceptualization

of the work or life of an individual person, the Pentateuch can well be

viewed generically as a presentation (conceptualization) of the work of

Moses. The events of the life of Moses (Vita Mosis) are not told entirely for

their own sake but are intended as a narrative explication of the nature of

a life lived within the context of the call of God and the covenant at Sinai.

The Pentateuch seeks to answer the question of how well Moses carried out

his calling, that is, his work under the Sinai covenant. It seeks to tell how

well he performed his task.

There is room for doubt, however, whether Knierim's description of the

whole of the Pentateuch as a biography of Moses is entirely adequate. In the

first place, the whole of the collections of laws which make up a major part

of the final composition of the Pentateuch do not fit within the narrow limits

of a biography. However, according to Knierim's reckoning, these laws,

e.g., the Sinai-pericope and Deuteronomy, make up 68.5 percent of the

total text of the Pentateuch. Although Knierim treats these legal sections

as part of the Moses texts, they clearly are not part of the Moses narratives

per se. The course of the narratives is distinctively broken into and sus-

pended until these large collections of laws are exhausted. It appears that

in the final stage of the composition, the focus on Moses, the individual

lawgiver, has been intentionally expanded to include a substantial portion

of the law itself. This state of affairs raises the question of why, in light of

the genre of the Pentateuch, these laws were placed in the midst of the

biography.

The traditional answer to this question has been that they were put there

simply as legislation, that is, as laws which were to be kept--thus the

Pentateuch's reputation as a "Book of the law." In this view the Pentateuch

is read as if it were a collection of laws intended to guide the daily living

of its readers. This view of the purpose of the laws in the Pentateuch is so

pervasive that it is often, if not always, merely assumed in works dealing

with the problem of the law.

However, it is also possible that the Pentateuch has intentionally in-

cluded this selection of laws for another purpose, that is, to give the reader an

understanding of the nature of the Mosaic Law and God's purpose in giving

it to Israel. Thus it is possible to argue that the laws in the Pentateuch are not there to

tell the reader how to live but rather to tell the reader how Moses was to live

under the law. To use an example from the Pentateuch itself, it is clear to

all that the detailed instructions on the building of the ark in Genesis 6 were

not given to the reader so he or she could build an ark and load it with

animals, but those detailed instructions were given to show what Noah was



THE MOSAIC LAW                                                 245

 

to do in response to God's command. Competent readers of the Pentateuch

easily understand that God's instructions to Noah in the narrative is di-

rected only to Noah and not to the readers. These instructions are included

as narrative information for the reader. The message of the Pentateuch in

other words, is not that its readers should build an ark like Noah.

The same may be true for the legal instructions found in the Mosaic Law.

Though the nature of the instructions to Noah and those to Moses (the

building of the tabernacle in Exodus 25ff., for example) are similar in form

and narrative function, we often read them entirely differently. We read the

instructions to Noah as given for the reader, and those to Moses as given to

the reader.13 It is possible, however, that the two sets of instructions within

the Pentateuch are intended to be read in the same way. In other words,

to put it in the terms introduced into OT studies by Mendenhall, the

inclusion of the selection of laws (viz., the Mosaic Law) in the Pentateuch

was not so much intended to be a source for legal action (technique) as

rather a statement of legal policy.14

This understanding of the purpose of the laws in the Pentateuch is sup-

ported by the observation that the collections of laws in the Pentateuch

appear to be incomplete and selective. The Pentateuch as such is not de-

signed as a source of legal action. That the laws in the Pentateuch are

incomplete is suggested by the fact that many aspects of ordinary commu-

nity life are not covered in these laws. Moreover, there is at least one

example in the Pentateuch where a "statute given to Moses by the Lord"

is mentioned but not actually recorded in the Pentateuch.15 The selective

 

13 "From the earliest days of the church Christians have asked about the commands of the

Old Testament: do they apply to us? The question, however, is ambiguous. It may be a

question about authority, or it may be a question about prescriptive claim. A prescription, we

said, instructs somebody to do, or not to do, something. We may ask in each case who is

instructed and who instructs. If, as I walk down the street, somebody in a blue coat says,

'Stop!', I shall have to ask, first, 'Is he speaking to me?’--the question of claim--and, then, 'Is

he a policeman?'--the question of authority. And so it is with the commands of the Old

Testament: we must ask, 'Do they purport to include people like us in their scope?'--the

question of claim--and, 'If so, ought we to heed them?’--the question of authority. In the

patristic church, after the rejection of the Gnostic temptation, especially in its Marcionite

form, the question of authority was not really open for discussion; Old Testament commands

were evaluated entirely in terms of their claim. Our own age, conversely, has been so dom-

inated by the question of authority that the question of claim has been obscured and forgotten"

(O. M. T. O'Donovan, "Towards an Interpretation of Biblical Ethics," TynBul 27 [1976]

58-59).

14 "That common body of what might be called the sense of justice in a community we

shall call 'policy'. What happens in a law court, however, is usually much more directly related to

the technical corpus of specialized legal acts and tradition. These are 'techniques' " (George

E. Mendenhall, "Ancient Oriental and Biblical Law," The Biblical Archaeologist Reader 3 [ed.

E. E Campbell and D. N. Freedman; New York: Anchor, 1958] 3).

15 The "statute of the law that the Lord gave Moses," referred to by Eleazar in Num 31:21,

is not found elsewhere in the Pentateuch, though a part of what Eleazar commands (the water of

cleansing) was given in Numbers 19. This shows either that the laws included in the

Pentateuch are selective, that is, not every law given to Moses was included, or that any law



246                 WESTMINSTER THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL

 

nature of the laws included in the Pentateuch is further illustrated both by

the fact that the number of laws (611) is the same as the numerical equiv-

alent of the Hebrew title of the Pentateuch, "Torah" (hrvt),16 and by the

fact that within the structure of the collections of laws the number seven

and multiples of seven predominate. The listing of 42 (7 x 6) laws in the

Covenant Code (Exod 21:1-23:12), for example, equals the numerical value

of the title of that section "And these (are the judgments)." This is not to

suggest that secret numerical codes were intended to conceal mysteries

within these texts. The use of the numerical values of titles and catch

phrases was a common literary device at the time of the composition of

Scripture. The same principle of numerical selectivity may also be seen

within the Book of Proverbs, where the total number of proverbs in chaps.

10:1-22:16 (375) equals the numerical value of the name "Solomon."17

This suggests that, just as in the publication of law in the ancient Near

Eastern world in general,18 the laws in the Pentateuch were not intended

to be used in the administration of justice as a collection of laws to be

enforced.

In his study of law codes in the ancient world, F. R. Kraus19 has provided

a helpful analogy to the nature and purpose of the laws included in the final

composition of the Pentateuch. According to Kraus, literary works such as

the Code of Hammurapi were not intended to be used in the actual adminis-

tration of law. They were not, in fact, associated with the systems of justice

in the ancient world. According to Kraus, they were rather intended to tell

us something about the lawgiver, viz., important people like Hammurapi

himself.20 For example, when the whole of the present shape of the docu-

 

given by a priest could have been called a "statute of the law that the Lord gave Moses"

(cf. Deut 33:10). The former alternative appears more likely because the text expressly says "the

Lord gave [it] to Moses," The omission of “to Moses" in the Samaritan Pentateuch is evidence

that at an early period there was already a tendency to read the laws of the Pentateuch as

complete.

16 The traditional number of laws in the Pentateuch (613) is obtained by treating both

Deut 6:4 (the "Shema") and Exod 20:2 ("I am the Lord your God") as "laws,"

17 Barry J. Beitzel, "Exodus 3:14 and the Divine Name: A Case of Biblical Paronomasia,"

Trinity Journal 1 NS (1980) 6. See also J. M. Sasson, "Wordplay in the OT," IDBSup, 968-70,

18 "Das grosse Gesetzgebungswerk des Konigs our Representation geblieben und niemals

Rechtswirklichkeit geworden sei" (W. Eilers, Rechtsvergleichende Studien zur Gesetzgebung

Hammurapis [1917] 8, quoted in R. E Kraus, "Ein zentrales Problem des altmesopotamischen

Rechtes: Was It der Codex Hammu-rabi?" Genava 8 [1960] 283-96).

19 Kraus, "Ein zentrales Problem."

20 "In seiner Selbstdarstellung sind Gerechtigkeit und Klugheit die Eigenschaften, die er

sich, von den ublichen Cliches abweichend, immer wieder zuschreibt, . . . emqum, 'klug', ist

ein typisches Pradikat des Schreibers. . . nur Hammu-rabi, gleichzeitig gerechter Richter

und gelehrter Autor, hat seine Rechtsspruche aufgezeichnet und der Welt zur Verfugung

gestellt genauso, wie die Autoren der Eingeweideschaukompendien ihre Erfahrungen und

Erkenntnisse zu Nutz und Frommen der Welt in ihren Werken niederlegen. Zu Nutz und

Frommen der Welt hat auch Hammu-rabi seinen Codex verfasst und offentlich aufstellen

lassen" (Kraus, "Ein zentrales Problem," 290-91).



THE MOSAIC LAW                                                 247

 

ment, including the important but often overlooked prologue of Hammu-

rapi's Code, is taken into consideration, it becomes clear that a text such as

Hammurapi's was not to be used to administer justice, but was rather

intended to promote the image of Hammurapi as a wise and just king.21

What Kraus has argued for the Code of Hammurapi suits the phenomenon

of law in the Pentateuch remarkably well. It explains the existence of the

relatively large collections of laws strategically placed throughout the penta-

teuchal narratives dealing with the life of Moses. Applying the analogy of

the Code of Hammurapi helps confirm the judgment that the selection of

laws in the Pentateuch is not there as a corpus of laws as such (qua lex), but

was intended as a description of the nature of divine wisdom and justice

revealed through Moses (qua institutio).

An inter-biblical example of this is found in the Book of Proverbs, with

its prologue and selection of wise sayings of Solomon. The Book of Proverbs

was not intended to be read as an exhaustive book of right actions but as

a selective example of godly wisdom.

In the narratives of Exodus-Deuteronomy, then, we are to see not only

a picture of Moses, but we are also to catch a glimpse of the nature of the

law under which he lived and God's purpose for giving it. Along with the

narrative portrait of Moses we see a selected sample of his laws. Returning

to Knierim's thesis of the genre of the Pentateuch, what emerges from a

genre analysis of the Pentateuch in its present shape is that it is a biography

of Moses, albeit a modified one. It is a biography of Moses, which portrays

him as a man who lived under the law given at Sinai. It is a biography of Moses

sub lege.

A second difficulty in Knierim's assessment of the genre of the Penta-

teuch is the fact that although Knierim treats Genesis as an introduction to

the life of Moses, there are significant problems in accounting for this sec-

tion of the Pentateuch within the genre of Biography of Moses. According

to Knierim, Genesis adds the dimension of "all of human history" to the

biography of Moses. But it is self-evidently clear that not all of Genesis is

about "all of human history." It is only the first eleven chapters of the book

which have all of humanity specifically in view. Though the rest of Genesis

is, in fact, drawn into the scope of "all humanity" by means of the reit-

erated promise that in the seed of Abraham ”all the families of the land will

be blessed," the narratives in chaps. 12-50 focus specifically on the family

of Abraham. In fact, the three major sections of Genesis 12-50 appear to

consist of genres nearly identical to that of Knierim's view of the whole

 

21 "Eine Welt trennt diese sehr deutlich formulierte Denkweise von der ungerer heutigen

Gesetzgeber und unserer modernen Konzeption von der Geltung der Gesetze. Die Gultigkeit,

welche Hammu-rabi fur sein Werk erhofft, ist grundstzlich anderer Natur als die unserer

Gesetze, und seine Hoffnung ruht auf anderen Voraussetzungen als der Geltungsanspruch

moderner Gesetzbucher. Seine sogenannten Gesetze sind Musterentscheidungen, Vorbilder

guter Rechtsprechung" (ibid., 291).



248                 WESTMINSTER THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL

 

Pentateuch, namely, biographies of Abraham (chaps. 12-26), Jacob (chaps.

27-36) and Joseph (chaps. 37-50).

Knierim rightly makes much of the fact that the whole of Genesis, cover-

ing some 2000 years, takes up only about 25 percent of the total text of the

Pentateuch, whereas Exodus-Deuteronomy, which covers only the span of

the life of Moses, takes up the other 75 percent. "The extent of material

allotted to each of the two time spans is extremely disproportionate, a factor

that must be considered programmatic."22 However, when the Moses-

narratives (Exod 1-18 and Num 10:11-36:13) are counted alone, without

the laws (Deuteronomy and the Sinai-pericope), they make up only about

20 percent of the whole of the Pentateuch. The material in Genesis devoted

to the Patriarchs (Genesis 12-50) is also about 20 percent, making the

narratives about Moses and those about the Patriarchs appear of equal

importance within the final text.

It thus is not satisfactory to group the patriarchal narratives together

with Genesis 1-11 and consider them both as the introduction to Moses'

biography. It appears more probable within the framework of the whole of

the Pentateuch that the patriarchal material in Genesis is intended on its

own to balance off the material in the Moses narratives. The biographies

of the patriarchs are set over against the biography of Moses.

The early chapters of Genesis (1-11) play their own part in providing an

introduction to the whole of the Pentateuch, stressing the context of "all

humanity" for both the patriarchal narratives and those of Moses. The

Moses material, for its part, has been expanded with voluminous selections

from the Sinai laws in order to show the reader the nature of the law under

which Moses lived.

If this is an adequate description of the Pentateuch, then its genre is not

simply that of a biography of Moses but rather it is a series of biographies

similar perhaps to those in Kings or Samuel where the life of Saul, for

example, is counterbalanced to that of David. Within this series of biog-

raphies in the Pentateuch a further textual strategy appears evident.

The chronological framework of Genesis (periodization) and the virtual

freezing of time in Exodus-Deuteronomy (a single period of time only, viz.,

the lifespan of Moses) suggests that there has been a conscious effort to

contrast the time before and leading up to the giving of the law (ante legem)

with the time of Moses under the law (sub lege).23 Abraham lived before the

giving of the law and Moses lived after it was given.

With this background to the compositional strategy of the final shape of

the Pentateuch, we can now turn to its treatment of Abraham and Moses.

 

22 Knierim, "The Composition of the Pentateuch," 395.

23 Though it is not part of our immediate concern, one could also note indications within

the final shape of the Pentateuch of a time "after the law" (post legem). Deuteronomy 30, for

example, looks to a future time quite distinct from that of Moses' own day. There are close

affinities between this chapter and passages in the prophetic literature which look to the time

of the New Covenant, e.g., Jer 31:31ff.; Ezek 36:22ff.



THE MOSAIC LAW                                     249

 

Specifically, we wish to raise the question of what the Pentateuch intends

to say about the lives of these two great men that contributes to our under-

standing of faith and keeping the Mosaic Law?

A complete answer to this question cannot be given within the scope of

this paper. We will limit ourselves to two strategically important penta-

teuchal texts from the standpoint of its final composition, Gen 26:5 and

Num 20:12. Both texts are similar in that they offer a reflective look at the

lives of Abraham and Moses respectively and give an evaluation that stems

from the final stages of the composition of the Pentateuch. Furthermore,

both texts evaluate the lives of these two great men from the perspective of

the theology of Deuteronomy. We will see that in Gen 26:5 Abraham is

portrayed as one who "kept the law," whereas in Num 20:12 Moses is

portrayed as one who "did not believe."

 

II. Abraham and the Mosaic Law (Gen 26:5)

In Gen 26:5, God says, "Abraham obeyed my voice [ylqb. . . fmw] and

kept my charge [ytrmwm rmwyv], my commandments [ytvcm], my statutes

[ytvqH], and my laws [ytrvt]." Though on the face of it, the meaning of this

verse is clear enough, it raises questions when viewed within the larger

context of the book. How was it possible for Abraham to obey the com-

mandments, statutes, and laws before they were given? Why is Abraham

here credited with keeping the law when in the previous narratives great

pains were taken to show him as one who lived by faith (e.g., Gen 15:6)?

There has been no mention of Abraham's having the law or keeping the law

previous to this passage. Why, now suddenly, does the text say Abraham

had kept the law?

The verse is recognized as "deuteronomic" by most biblical scholars,

both critical24 and conservative.25 Earlier biblical scholars went to great

lengths to explain the verse in view of its inherent historical and theological

difficulties. For those who saw the verse as a description of Abraham's legal

 

24 See Erhard Blum, Die Komposition der Vatergesckickte (Neukirchen-Vluyn:

Neukirchener Verlag, 1984) 363, for a discussion of the critical views.

25 F. Delitzsch says of the verse, for example, "Undoubtedly verse 5 in this passage

is from the hand of the Deuteronomist" (A New Commentary on Genesis [Edinburgh: T. & T.

Clark, 1888] 137ff.). C. F. Keil also recognized that these same terms were later used to

describe the Mosaic Law: "The piety of Abraham is described in words that indicate a perfect

obedience to all the commands of God and therefore frequently recur among the legal expressions

of a later date [in der spateren Gesetzessprache ]" (Biblical Commentary on the Old Testament

[Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1971] 270). Cf. Benno Jacob, "Aber diese Ausdrucke besagen, dass er auf den

verschiedensten Gebieten sein Leben ahnlich den spateren Ordnungen des Gesetzes nach den

speziellen Weisungen Gottes, wie sie ihm erteilt wurden oder er sie sich selbst erschliessen

mochte, eingerichtet hat" (Das erste Buck der Tora Genesis [Berlin: Schocken, 1934] 548). Since,

throughout the Pentateuch and especially in Deuteronomy, these terms denote the Mosaic

Law (e.g., Deut 11:1; 26:17) this passage says, in no uncertain terms, that Abraham kept the

Mosaic Law.



250                 WESTMINSTER THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL

 

adherence to the law, the major problem was how Abraham could have had

access to the Mosaic Law. Early rabbinical approaches, for example, at-

tempted by word associations to identify each of the terms used here with

a specific act of obedience of Abraham within the patriarchal narratives. In

that way it could be demonstrated that Abraham knew the Mosaic Law

and thus kept it.26 This approach, however, did not gain wide acceptance

because, apart from a remote link to circumcision, none of the terms in Gen

26:5 could be associated with events or actions of Abraham within the