Criswell Theological Review 2.1 (1987) 19-37

[Copyright © 1987 by Criswell College, cited with permission;

digitally prepared for use at Gordon and Criswell Colleges and elsewhere]

 

AN INTRODUCTION TO MALACHI

 

 

GEORGE L. KLEIN

Criswell College, Dallas, TX 75201

 

 

      I. The Authorship of Malachi

 

Relatively few scholars today believe that the book of Malachi was

written by a prophet bearing the same name. The name Malachi,

according to this view, is not a proper name, but a title ("My

messenger").1 Reasons for defending the anonymity of the book are

numerous. First, there is no mention of the author's ancestry (e.g.,

Isaiah son of Amoz, 1:1) or place or birth (e.g., Amos from Tekoa,

1:1) either in the book itself or elsewhere in the OT as was usually the

case with the prophets.2 Second, the same expression, hvhy-rbd xWm

("The burden of the word of Yahweh"), occurs in Zech 9:1; 12:1 and

Mal 1:1. The critical approach treats this expression as the introduction

to three distinct and anonymous works, the first two of which were

appended to the prophecies of Zechariah son of Iddo and the last of

which was given independent status as the present book of Malachi in

order to round out the number of Minor Prophets to twelve.3 Third,

Jewish tradition as witnessed by the LXX, Targum Jonathan4 and

Rashi, plus Christian interpreters such as Jerome,5 Pseudo-Epiphanius6

and Calvin,7 viewed "Malachi" as a title.

 

1 See C. Torrey, "The Prophecy of 'Malachi;'" JBL 17 (1898) 1-2.

2 J. A. Soggin, Introduction to the Old Testament (revised; Philadelphia: West-

minster, 1976) 343.

3 A. Lads, Histoire de la Litterature Hebraique et Juive (Paris: Pay at, 1950) 523.

4 A. Sperber, ed., The Bible in Aramaic, The Latter Prophets (3 vols.; Leiden:

Brill, 1962) 3.500.

5 Cited by J. M. P. Smith, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of

Malachi (ICC; Edinburgh: T, & T. Clark, 1912) 19,

6 Cited by J. McClintock and J. Strong, Cyclopedia of Biblical, Theological, and

Ecclesiastical Literature (reprinted; 10 vols.; Grand Rapids: Baker, 1981) 5.673.

7 J. Calvin, The Twelve Minor Prophets (reprinted; 5 vols.; Edinburgh: T. & T.

Clark, 1849) 5.459,



20                    CRISWELL THEOLOGICAL REVIEW

 

What then was the origin of the title for those who believe that

the book was anonymous? Nowack is representative of the standard

reply which maintains that the title was taken from the mention of

ykxlm ("My messenger") in 3:1.8 In other words, the mention of ykxlm

in 3: 1 was misunderstood as a reference to the name of the prophet

who penned the book. However, Childs wisely observes, "Such an

identification wreaks havoc with the entire message of the book."9

The ykxlm of 1:1 and 3:1 cannot be the same person, for 1:1 must

refer to the prophet through whom the oracle came whereas 3:1

speaks of the one in whom rested the responsibility of paving the

way for the future prophetic hope, the Messiah.10 As Childs notes,

one cannot argue that an editor misunderstood the prophetic hope of

a Messiah which is conveyed clearly in 3:1 as well as elsewhere.11

The first objection to identifying the author of Malachi with the

prophet bearing the same name is relatively minor. Granted, the

lineage of the prophet and his birthplace are regularly given in the

canonical prophets, but exceptions are known. For instance, Obadiah's

lineage and Habakkuk's place of birth are unknown, with both of

these books mentioning the name of the prophet only in the super-

scription. The next two points, however, are the main points upon

which the theory of anonymity rests.

The anonymity of Malachi, while not a problem of liberalism as

such,12 is tied integrally to the liberal view that Zech 9-11, 12-14, and

Malachi were originally three independent and anonymous works.13

The view is bolstered by the thrice-repeated phrase hvhy-rbd xWm

("the burden of the word of Yahweh," Zech 9:1; 12:1; and Mal 1:1)

which is generally interpreted to mean that these three oracles were

once part of the same collection and were placed later in their

present location in the canon arbitrarily. This widely-held conclusion

has been challenged by Childs using various lines of argumentation.

Childs first argues that the form of the word xWm ("burden,

oracle") is grammatically absolute (ie., syntactically independent)14

 

8 D. W. Nowack, Die kleinen Propheten (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,

1897) 390.

9 B. S. Childs, Introduction to the Old Testament as Scripture (Philadelphia:

Fortress, 1979) 493.

10 For similar expressions see Isa 40:3; 57:14; and 62:10.

11 Childs, Introduction, 493.

12 See W. S. LaSor, D. A. Hubbard and F. W. Bush, Old Testament Survey

(Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1982) 501-2; and R. K. Harrison, Introduction to the Old

Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1969) 958.

13 O. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament: An Introduction (New York: Harper & Row,

1965) 441.

14 The word xWm is a technical term often used to introduce a prophet's message

(cf. Isa 13:1; Nah 1:1 et al.).



Klein: AN INTRODUCTION TO MALACHI                     21

 

in Mal 1:1, thus decreasing the similarity between the three occur-

rences of the term.15 Unfortunately for Childs' thesis, the form of xWm

is absolute in all three of the passages under consideration.16

Childs continues by maintaining that Zech 9:1 is not a super-

scription while 12:1 is. He further believes that Mal 1:1 is also a

superscription sharing many points in common with other such super-

scriptions in the OT.17 Childs concludes by noting that Zech 9:1 and

12:1 are verbal constructions whereas Mal 1:1 is not, a minor point

actually, but calculated to distance Malachi from the latter portions

of Zechariah.18

In conclusion, Childs writes, "the problem of authorship of

the book of Malachi is an independent question which cannot be

decided from an alleged similarity to anonymous [sic] passages in

Zechariah."19 While I agree with Childs' observation, his arguments

are less than convincing. Ultimately, the decision rests upon how one

views Zechariah.

Critical scholars have divided Zechariah into two or three parts

with one division occurring at 9:1 and the other, if advocated, at

12:1.20 Reasons for postulating a multiple authorship of Zechariah

center upon mention of events centuries later than the 6th century B.C.

date of Zechariah son of Iddo (cf. 9:1ff) and alleged differences of

vocabulary and literary style. Since stylistic arguments are notoriously

subjective, the consensus is that the "prophecies" and how they are

understood determine the outcome of the authorship and unity ques-

tions for Zechariah. At the risk of sounding simplistic, the presup-

positions the interpreter has regarding predictive prophecy will largely

determine the conclusion one reaches.21 If one ascribes all 14 chapters

of Zechariah to the son of Iddo then any affinity to Malachi is tenuous

indeed.

We have discussed thus far the first half of the superscription,

but the second half "through Malachi" must now be examined. The

English title "Malachi" is a transliteration of the Hebrew word ykixAl;ma.

The basic word j`xAl;ma can refer either to a human emissary (Gen 32:3)

or to an angel (Gen 28:12). In Malachi a human messenger is clearly

in mind.

 

15 Childs, Introduction, 491.

16 KJV, RSV, NASB and NIV all fail to render this phrase consistently as "An

oracle: the word of the LORD. . . .“

17 Childs, Introduction, 491-92.

18 Ibid., 492.

19 Ibid., 492.

20 Eissfeldt, Introduction, 434-40.

21 See G. L. Archer, Jr., A Survey of Old Testament Introduction (revised;

Chicago: Moody, 1974) 433-38; and Harrison, Introduction, 950-57.



22                    CRISWELL THEOLOGICAL REVIEW

 

The suffix (-i) has engendered a fair amount of discussion. Keil's

view is that the suffix is an old genitive ending called a hireq com-

paginis,22 but this conclusion is utterly untenable.23 Another view is

that the suffix is a hypocoristicon (or abbreviation) for the divine

name Yah, the shortened form of Yahweh, which would be translated

"Messenger of Yah." While some like Soggin maintain that a theo-

phoric element in the name is "extremely dubious,"24 there is good

biblical precedent. For instance, one finds ybx (Abi, 2 Kgs 18:2) and

hybx (Abiyyah, 2 Chron 29:1) as well as yrx (Uri, 1 Kgs 4:19) and

hyrvx (Uriyah, 1 Chron 11:41). The hypocoristic meaning of the name

Malachi, while not the simplest understanding, is a distinct possibility.

The consensus of opinion, however, is that the suffix is the simple first

person singular pronominal suffix "my."25

This brings us to the final and perhaps most important reason for

treating Malachi as an anonymous work, namely the early Jewish and

Christian tradition to that effect, of which the LXX is the most

notable. The LXX renders Mal 1:1 with e]n xeiri> a]gge<lou au]tou? ("by

the hand of His messenger"). Immediately two questions are raised.

First, why did the LXX use the third person masculine singular

pronoun when the MT attests a first person ("my") reading? Second,

was the Septuagintal understanding of the word as an appellative

correct? The first problem can be easily explained by hypothesizing

that the final yod of Malachi representing "my" was misread as a '

waw signifying "his."26 The second question is harder to explain, but:

apparently the confusion was due to the general lack of biographical:

information on Malachi. To be sure, the LXX does understand ykxlm

as an appellative in v 1, but Pusey does note that the LXX did ap-

pend the name MALAXIAS ("Malachi") as a title, seemingly witness-

ing to a completely different understanding, that of a proper noun.27

In other words, the testimony of the LXX is not as decisive in favor

of anonymity as some think. Targum Jonathan's attempt to identify

the author of Malachi as Ezra the scribe as well as the numerous

 

22 C. F. Keil, The Twelve Minor Prophets (2 vols.; 1868, reprinted; Grand Rapids:

Eerdmans, 1949) 2.425.

23 For a general discussion, see GKC §90k-n.

24 Soggin, Introduction, 343.

25 See J. G. Baldwin, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi (Downers Grove, IL: Inter-

Varsity, 1972) 211.

26 This is a common textual corruption in which the "short tail" of the yod is

misread for the "longer tailed (but otherwise identical)" waw. For example, see Isa

5:29.

27 E. B. Pusey, The Minor Prophets: A Commentary (reprinted; 2 vols.; Grand

Rapids: Baker, 1950) 2.461.



Klein: AN INTRODUCTION TO MALACHI                     23

 

other identifications by other sources all seemingly stem from the

dearth of knowledge about the prophet. Furthermore, as has been

noted earlier in this study, the belief that Malachi was a proper name

could not have originated from a misunderstanding of the referent in

3:1. Finally, then, since the canonical prophets were otherwise not

anonymous and the arguments for anonymity can be answered, it is

preferable to treat the book as the only known work of the prophet

Malachi.

 

II. The Date of Malachi

Malachi contains no precise information regarding the time of

the book's writing. Thus one is forced to look to internal evidence in

the text itself. Because Malachi mentions current abuses at the temple

(1:7ff; 2:13; 3:10), the terminus a quo of the prophecy must be 516/515

B.C., the year the second temple was completed. Since temple worship

has been restored, Malachi must follow both Haggai and Zechariah.

More precise dating can be accomplished by noting the similarity of

themes in Malachi to those in Nehemiah, the silence in Nehemiah

regarding Malachi, the interpretation of the term hHp ("governor ,"

1:8) and the occasion of the conquest of the Edomites.

The similarity between concerns of Malachi and those of Nehe-

miah have long been noticed. W. Kaiser summarizes well the basic

points:

1. Marriage of heathen wives (Mal 2:11-15 and Neh 13:23-27)

2. Neglect in paying the tithes (Mal 3:8-10 and Neh 13:10-14)

3. Disregard of the Sabbath (Mal 2:8-9; 4:4 and Neh 13:15-22)

4. Corruption of the priesthood (Mal1:6-2:9-and Neh 13:7-9)

5. Existence of social wrongs (Mal 3:5 and Neh 5:1-13)28

Since it was during Nehemiah's second period of ministry in Israel in

which he addressed these issues, many scholars would date Malachi

to this period also.29 E. Sellin and G. Fohrer would, however, date the

prophecy before both Ezra and Nehemiah, around 465 B.C. since

Ezra and Nehemiah put a stop to the practices outlined in Malachi.30

This view fails to recognize the rapidity with which Israel could

relapse into sin as well as overestimating the effect of the Ezra-

Nehemiah reforms.

 

28 W, C. Kaiser, Jr., Malachi: God's Unchanging Grace (Grand Rapids: Baker,

1984) 16.

29 Archer, Survey, 440.

30 E. Sellin and G. Fohrer, Introduction to the Old Testament (Nashville: Abing-

don, 1968) 470.



24                    CRISWELL THEOLOGICAL REVIEW

 

A surprisingly early dating of the book is found in the work of

B. Dahlberg who properly notes dissimilarities between Nehemiah

and Malachi such as: the absence of divorce from the books of Ezra-

Nehemiah; the failure to find Nehemiah's concern for Sabbath abuses

addressed to the same degree in Malachi; the far more elaborate

treatment of tithes and offerings in Nehemiah as well as the distinction

which appears to be made between priests and Levites (10:10, 13, 30)

which he argues is not found in Malachi.31 Dahlberg argues further

that the vocabulary, style and perspective of Malachi is so close to

that of Deuteronomy, which he dates to the days of the Josianic

Reform (621 B.C.), that "Malachi's date is at the latest exilic."32

Dahlberg's observations concerning differences between Nehemiah

and Malachi are valid, yet one need not date Malachi in such an

extreme fashion. Indeed, no perceived difference is so great that one

should reinterpret the date. Furthermore, the likeness which Malachi

bears to Deuteronomy is also correct, but one should not date

Deuteronomy to the Josianic era for reasons which surpass the scope

of this paper.

Next, since Nehemiah does not mention Malachi by name and

since the closeness of the two is great as we have just seen, two

primary views have appeared. One approach is to date Malachi after

Ezra and before Nehemiah around 460 B.C. Others see the silence in

Nehemiah concerning Malachi as indicative of Malachi's ministry

falling within the two great periods of Nehemiah's activity in Israel

(444 and ca. 435 B.C.). R. Dentan, however, argues in the opposite

direction, feeling that Malachi would have had great sympathy for

Nehemiah and would surely have mentioned him by name. Dentan

wishes to date the book around 450 B.C.33

The third point is the use of the word hHp for governor in 1:8.

This word may well be of Persian origin leading some to render the

term "satrap." W. Neil is representative of the position that hHP in 1:8

clearly points to a Persian governor and not to Nehemiah.34 Dog-

matism is unwarranted as H. Wolf notes. Even though xtwrt (tirsata',

Neh 10:1) was the expression usually applied to Nehemiah, he does

call himself a hHp in 5:14.35 If Nehemiah was the governor of 1:8,

 

31 B. T. Dahlberg, Studies in the Book of Malachi (Ph.D. dissertation, University

of Columbia, 1963) 175-77.

32 Ibid., 191.

33 R. Dentan, "Malachi," Interpreter's Bible (12 vols.; New York: Abingdon, 1956)

6.1118.

34 W. Neil, "Malachi," Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible (5 vols.; Nashville:

Abingdon, 1962) 3.229.

35 H. Wolf, Haggai and Malachi (Chicago: Moody, 1976) 58.



Klein: AN INTRODUCTION TO MALACHI                                 25

 

Kaiser suggests that Malachi would likely have mentioned him as

Haggai named Zerubbabel. If one does grant Kaiser's argument from

silence, one could only say that Malachi was either before Nehemiah's

first reform, before his second reform or after his second reform.36

Fourthly, 1:2ff mentions a recent calamity which has befallen

Edom. While the downfall of Edom was a widely-known fact, the

precise dating of this event has never been determined satisfactorily.

Thus, the event is useless for fixing the date of Malachi.37

A further line of evidence followed by non-conservatives is to

posit that Malachi agrees with Deuteronomy against the Priestly Code

in making no distinction between priests and Levites (2:4ff). Malachi

is understood to follow Deuteronomy which is dated in the 7th

century B.C. Malachi is in this regard different from the Priestly Code

which does make this distinction and follows Malachi chronologi-

cally.38 The date of Malachi would then be 460-450 B.C. Rowley, on

the other hand, argues that similarities in tithing laws might well

indicate