Criswell Theological Review 2.1 (1987) 99-117

[Copyright © 1987 by Criswell College, cited with permission;

digitally prepared for use at Gordon and Criswell Colleges and elsewhere]

 

 

 

ELIJAH, ELECTION,

AND THE USE OF MALACHI

IN THE NEW TESTAMENT

 

 

CRAIG L. BLOMBERG

Denver Seminary, Denver, CO 80210

 

 

At first glance, the book of Malachi seems not to play a prominent

role in the NT. To be sure, key themes from this last oracle of OT

prophecy reappear in the later Scriptures. One may compare, for

example, the Jews' contemptuous treatment of their sacrifices (Mal

1:7-14) with Paul's admonitions to the Corinthians concerning the

Lord’s Supper (1 Cor 11:17-34), the disobedience of the priests and

Levites (Mal 2:1-12) with Jesus' consistent critique of many of the

Pharisees and Sadducees in his day, God's hatred of divorce and his

monogamus designs for marriage (Mal 2:13-16) with Jesus' and

Paul’s teachings on the same topics (Mark 10:1-12 pars.; 1 Corinthians

7), the promise of the Lord's coming in righteousness to his temple

both to save and to judge (Mal 3:1-4; 4:1-3) with the repeated NT

emphasis on the fulfillment of these prophecies in Christ's first and

second comings, or the insistence that God's blessings are contingent

upon the faithful stewardship of one's tithe (Mal 3:8-12) with Paul's

teaching on the collection for Jerusalem (2 Cor 8-9).1 Yet only two

explicit quotations from Malachi find their way into the pages of the

NT.  These two passages, however, by virtue of their theological

importance more than compensate for their lack of companions.

 

1 In each case, the OT teaching is not adopted without qualification. The salvation-

differences between the testaments make it clear that the nature and role of

priesthood, temple, and tithe, and the exceptions to the prohibition

divorce are all altered in NT times. The precise nature of those alterations is

and usually determined on the basis of larger theological systems.

 



100                 CRISWELL THEOLOGICAL REVIEW

I. The Coming of Elijah

 

"See, I will send my messenger, who will prepare the way before

me" (Mal. 3:1a).

 

A. Text and Attribution

All three Synoptic gospels contain quotations of this statement

(Mark 1:2; Matt 11:10; Luke 7:27) in almost identical form, and apply

it to John the Baptist. Matthew and Luke have virtually the same

Greek verbatim: ]Idou>  (e]gw)  a]poste<llw  to>n  a@ggelo<n  mou  pro> prosw<-

pou sou, o{j kataskeua<sei th>n  o[do<n sou  e@mprosqe<n sou, while Mark

merely deletes the final two words. The first clause of this quotation

parallels the LXX of Exod 23:20 exactly, but the second finds no

equivalent there. Both clauses are paralleled more loosely in the LXX

of Mal 3:1, where kai> e]pible<yetai o[do<n occurs before the phrase pro>

prosw<pou, instead of o!j kataskeua<sei to>n o[do<n after it. Also the

personal pronouns are first person mou's in Malachi, while the verb

a]poste<llw has the prefix e]c attached.

In Exodus, the promise of a divinely sent messenger occurs in the

context of preparation for guidance during the Israelites' trek from

Sinai to the Promised Land. Malachi's prophecy may deliberately

echo the Pentateuchal text;2 if not, a later rabbinic juxtaposition of

these two texts may suggest that their combination was already tra-

ditional in Jesus' day.3 Interpreters of the gospels should therefore not

read too much into this reminiscence of Exodus.4 At the same time,

Mark's juxtaposition of this conflation of Exodus and Malachi with a

quotation of Isa 40:3 (Mark 1:3), highlighting the wilderness theme

which Isaiah's "crying voice" and John the Baptist share, may suggest

that the gospels' wording was designed to call to mind the remote

setting of the Israelites in Exodus.5 The change from e]pible<yetai to

kataskeua<sei follows the Massoretic pointing of the Hebrew (pinna

rather than pana).6 The addition of the definite article before o[do<n

enhances the parallelism with the Isaiah quote in Mark 1:3,7 and

 

2 C. L. Feinberg, The Twelve Minor Prophets (Chicago: Moody, 1977) 260.

3 W. L. Lane, The Gospel according to Mark (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1974),

45, citing Exod. Rab. 23:20.

4 However, contra G. L. Archer and G. C. Chirichigno, Old Testament Quotations

in the New Testament (Chicago: Moody, 1983) 165, eight consecutive paralleled words

seem more than "purely verbal resemblance," especially when Exodus and the Synop-

tics both contain the same shift in pronoun from the text of Malachi.

5 This, rather than any innovative, christological interpretation of Mal 3:1 most

naturally accounts for the shift in person of the pronouns.

6 H. B. Swete, The Gospel according to St. Mark (London: Macmillan, 1909) 2.

7 So also A. Schlatter, Der Evangelist Matthaus (Stuttgart: Calwer, 1948) 363.



Blomberg: MALACHI IN THE NEW TESTAMENT                     101

e@mprosqen may reflect stylistic variation from pro>  prosw<pou.8 Not-

withstanding these minor changes, the Hebrew text of Malachi is

represented very naturally by the Greek form of the Synoptic passages

in question.

A more substantive preliminary puzzle arises from the conjunc-

tion of Mal 3:1 with Isa 40:3 in Mark 1:2-3. Mark attributes the

composite quotation to Isaiah. The textual variant, "in the prophets,"

adopted by the KJV, is too weakly attested and obviously harmonistic

to be accepted as original. Hypotheses about later textual errors or

glosses are even less supportable.9 The vast majority of commentators

not surprisingly claim that Mark has simply made a mistake, although

reasons for that mistake range from Mark's alleged distance from and

unfamiliarity with primitive gospel tradition and its Jewish roots10 to

his uncritical adoption of early, traditional materials in which the two

passages had already been linked (perhaps along with others as well)

under one heading.11

Scholars who have not viewed Mark's attribution as an error

have proposed alternate explanations. Some suggest that a literary

convention existed in ancient Judaism by which a reference to more

than one person's writings could be attributed simply to the most

prominent author12 or to the source of the more significant reference,

but without supplying extra-biblical examples of this phenomenon.13

W. Hendriksen sidesteps the real problem by encouraging critics not

to complain that Mark supplies two things after only promising one!14

The most helpful solution is suggested by the example of the Dead

Sea text 4QTestim, in which several quotes, not all from the Penta-

teuch, are juxtaposed under the common head, "The Lord said to

Moses," irrespective of their relative prominence or significance. Mark

most likely follows this practice, which was apparently accepted in

 

8 R. H. Gundry, The Use of the Old Testament in St. Matthew's Gospel (Leiden:

Brill, 1967) 12.

9 As, e.g., with V. Taylor, The Gospel according to St. Mark (London: Macmillan,

1952) 153.

10 E.g., P. Parker, "The Posteriority of Mark," New Synoptic Studies (ed. W. R.

Farmer; Macon: Mercer, 1983) 76.

11 E.g., E. Schweizer, The Good News according to Mark (Richmond: John

Knox, 1970) 29; K. Stendahl, The School of St. Matthew and Its Use of the Old

Testament (Lund: Gleerup, 1954) 51.

12 E.g., G. L. Archer, Encyclopedia of Bible Difficulties (Grand Rapids: Zonder-

van, 1982).

13 E.g., D. Edmond Hiebert, Mark: A Portrait of the Servant (Chicago: Moody,

1974) 29; R. Pesch, Das Markusevangelium (2 vols.; Freiburg: Herder, 1976-77) 1. 77.

14 W. Hendriksen, Exposition of the Gospel according to Mark (Grand Rapids:

Baker, 1975) 34.

 



102                 CRISWELL THEOLOGICAL REVIEW

 

his day, but no conclusions may be drawn from it concerning the

respective importance of the Malachi and Isaiah quotations, nor may

Mark fairly be accused of erring.

Matthew and Luke not surprisingly omit the quotation from

Malachi in their parallel accounts (Matt 3:3, Luke 3:4-6) and thus

dispense with the problem of the attribution to Isaiah. These omissions

are accounted for far better by the hypothesis of Markan priority

than by any of its competitors; the idea of Mark introducing this

ambiguity into a source which was free of it seems odd in the

extreme.15 The two "minor agreements" of Matthew and Luke against

Mark do not offset this, since the three contexts in question are not

parallel. Matthew and Luke cite Mal 3:1 as part of Jesus' explanation

to the crowds concerning the identity and mission of John, after the

Baptist had been imprisoned, whereas Mark uses the quote as his

introduction to John's ministry. Undoubtedly the quotation had come

down to the evangelists in at least two traditions (Mark and the

material common to Matthew and Luke).

 

B. Meaning and Pedigree of the Passages

No one disputes that the Synoptic evangelists use Mal 3:1 to

elucidate the ministry of the Baptist nor that they do so in a way

which presupposes that the messenger of 3:1 is none other than

Elijah, whose coming is foretold in 4:5-6 (MT 3:23-24).16 Three key

questions which are debated, however, include: (1) Did Jesus himself

understand John to be Malachi's prophesied messenger in this sense?

(2) In what way, if any, did John understand himself in this role,

especially in light of his denial of it in John 1:21? (3) Are the gospels'

interpretations fair to the original text and context of Malachi?

 

1. Jesus' Understanding of John. The passage common to

Matthew 11 and Luke 7 explicitly attributes the quotation of Mal 3:1

to Jesus. Matthew's account is longer and more detailed, but this is

 

15 Similarly A. T. Hanson, The Living Utterances of God (London: Darton,

Longman & Todd, 1983) 36.

16 A few scholars argue that Luke, in contradistinction to Matthew and Mark,

downplays or altogether obliterates this John = Elijah typology, possibly because he

sees Jesus as the new Elijah instead. This type of hypothesis might account for Luke's

omission of Mark 9:11-13 but it does not explain his retention of 7:27, nor his insertion

of the unparalleled statement in 1:17 about John coming in the spirit and power of

Elijah. Luke may well have seen parallels between Jesus and Elijah too; typologies are

by nature fluid and often somewhat interchangeable. For a fuller discussion of the

various views, see J. A. Fitzmyer, The Gospel according to Luke I-IX (Garden City:

Doubleday, 1981) 320, and R. Brown, The Birth of the Messiah (Garden City: Double-

day, 1977) 276-77.

 



Blomberg: MALACHI IN THE NEW TESTAMENT                     103

 

probably due to Luke's customary abbreviation of his sources rather

than to Matthean expansion. Matthew's most noteworthy distinction

occurs with Jesus' words in 11:14: "if you are willing to receive [it],

this is Elijah, the one about to come." The conditional clause suggests

that the interpretation may be a novel one and will not meet with

universal acceptance. The same equation is again attributed to Jesus

in Mark 9:11-13 (par. Matt 17:10-13) when the disciples who were

descending from the Mount of Transfiguration ask Jesus about the

coming of Elijah. Here Jesus replies more elliptically by simply

remarking that Elijah has come, but Matthew adds that the disciples

understood their master to be referring to John.

Older commentators often took this equation for granted, and

assumed without question that pre-Christian Judaism widely believed

that Elijah would return from heaven as a Messianic forerunner. Since

Jesus believed himself to be the Messiah, his application of Mal 3:1 to

his forerunner, John, would have been entirely natural, and the ele-

ment of uncertainty introduced by "if you are willing" would have

stemmed only from the fact that John was not the literal Elijah

returned from heaven but simply an ordinary human personage whose

prophetic ministry paralleled that of Elijah in important respects.17

This line of interpretation (along with traditional views of Jesus'

self-understanding more generally) has been sharply criticized by

recent studies, which take their starting point from the claim that no

unambiguous evidence exists for a pre-Christian Jewish belief in

Elijah as a Messianic forerunner.18 The rabbinic texts traditionally

cited on behalf of this belief are all post-Christian and mostly Tal-

mudic,19 while demonstrably pre-Christian references to Elijah's

return (most notably Sir 48:10) do not link the prophet with a Messiah.

No convincing explanation has been given, however, for the post-

Christian Jewish adoption of a perspective which supported the

Christian interpretation of Mal 3:1. In light of rabbinic Judaism's

censorship of numerous Christian beliefs which earlier Jews seem to

 

17 Cf., e.g., Jeremias, " [Hl(e)i<aj," TDNT 2 (1964) 928-41. More recently, cf.

A,. Wiener, The Prophet Elijah in the Development of Judaism (London: Routledge &

Kegan Paul, 1978) 42, who uncritically assumes that the Gospels' reference to the

scribes' belief in Mark 9:11 par. combined with Justin's 2nd century Dialogue with

Trypho (8:49) "unequivocally show that until the beginning of the Christian era the

ordinary Jewish people as well as the spiritual elite expected the return of Elijah as the

precursor and attendant of the Messiah from the house of David."

18 See esp. M. M. Faierstein, "Why Do the Scribes Say that Elijah Must Come

First?" JBL 100 (1981) 75-86. Cf. J. A. Fitzmyer, "More about Elijah Coming First,"

JBL 104 (1985) 295-96.

19 For a relatively full list of texts, see L. Ginzberg, An Unknown Jewish Sect

(New York: Jewish Theological Seminary, 1976)212, n. 14.

 



104                 CRISWELL THEOLOGICAL REVIEW

 

have held, it seems likely that some pre-Christian Jewish precedent

must have given rise to these traditions.20 But this cannot be proven,

and such traditions, if they existed, may well not have been

widespread.

What both the traditional and the more recent sides of this

debate fail to grasp is that the gospels do not suggest that the logic of

Jesus' equation of John with Elijah follows from his self-understanding

as Messiah and belief in Mal 3:1 and 4:5-6 as Messianic prophecies.

There is no clear reference to the Messiah in Malachi and no indication

that the NT writers found one there. Rather the texts speak of God

himself coming (3:1b) to usher in the day of judgment and salvation

(3:2-5). Whatever Jesus' specific beliefs about the ministry of the

Messiah, it is widely admitted that he believed himself to be some

kind of special envoy from God who was to usher in God's kingdom,

at least in inaugurated form, incipiently bringing both salvation for

those who would turn from their sin and judgment for those who

would not. The logic of the John = Elijah equation may thus be

encapsulated as follows: (1) Malachi speaks of Elijah, the messenger,

preparing the way for the Day of the Lord. (2) Jesus' ministry brings

at least a partial fulfillment of the prophecies concerning the Day of

the Lord. (3) The one who prepared the way for Jesus must therefore

at least partially fulfill the role of Elijah according to Malachi.21

Nevertheless, there is high Christology here, all the more significant

as it is merely implicit, since Jesus is appropriating a text about the

coming of God and applying it to himself.22

The above syllogism clearly does not reflect pre-Christian Jewish

thought and was replaced early on in the history of the church with a

more specifically Messianic interpretation.23 The criterion of dissimi-

larity can therefore be invoked to support the authenticity of Jesus'

equation of John with Elijah. The multiple attestation of this tradition

in Mark, the teachings common to Matthew and Luke, and the

distinctively Lucan material (Luke 1:17) further supports its genuine-

ness, as does the incidental reference to scribal tradition vis-a-vis

clear scriptural teaching24 and the enigmatic nature of Jesus' comments

on the topic more generally.25 Tradition-critical dissections of Mark

 

20 Cf. D. C. Allison, "Elijah Must Come First," JBL 103 (1984) 257.

21 Cf. I. H. Marshall, The Gospel of Luke (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1978) 296;

H. Schiirmann, Das Lukasevangelium (Freiburg: Herder, 1969) 1.417.

22 R. T. France, Matthew (Leicester: InterVarsity, 1985) 194.

23 Fitzmyer, Luke I-IX, 673.

24 Allison, “Elijah,  256.

25 A. Plummer, An Exegetical Commentary on the Gospel according to St.

Matthew (London: Robert Scott, 1915) 240.

 



Blomberg: MALACHI IN THE NEW TESTAMENT                     105

 

9:11-13 and Matt 11:10-14 are largely based on alleged inconsistencies

within the passages, which are highly subjective and sometimes self-

canceling.26 W. Wink's notion of a Markan "Elijanic secret" modeled

after his Messianic secret fails to shore up the numerous weaknesses

in the latter hypothesis.27 G. B. Caird's conclusion, with specific refer-

ence to the Moses and Elijah typology applied to John in Luke 7:27,

could quite naturally embrace all the texts in question: "it is far more

likely that such a synthesis of ideas as this had its origin in the creative

mind of Jesus."28

2. John's Own Views. The Synoptics never report John's own

opinions concerning his identity. But all three agree on information

which is generally acknowledged to be historical about the nature of

his ministry: he preached a message of repentance thoroughly con-

sonant with the oracles of the OT prophets, he adopted the dress of

an Elijah-like figure (camel's hair and a leather girdle; cf. 2 Kgs 1:8),

and the location of his ministry in the wilderness easily conjured up-

memories of both Elijah and Moses who spent so much time in

similar locations.29 While it cannot be proven that John consciously

set out to model Elijah specifically, he should hardly have been

surprised to find others pointing out the similarities.

Why then does the Fourth Gospel report John's response to his

Jerusalemite inquirers in terms of a flat denial to their question, "Are

you Elijah?" (John 1:21)? Most modern scholarship affirms that this is

just another Johannine inaccuracy, where theology has outrun history.

A popular theory has been to assume that an important but divisive

element in the Johannine community was a group of over-zealous

followers of the Baptist, who perhaps even saw him as a Messiah, and

that the fourth evangelist deliberately modified the more authentic

tradition reflected in the Synoptics in order to try to combat their

 

26 So, e.g., A. H. McNeile, The Gospel according to St. Matthew (London:

Macmillan, 1915) 54; D. Hill, The Gospel of Matthew (London: Oliphants, 1972) 200;

on which see D. A. Carson, "Matthew," Expositor's Bible Commentary (12 vols.; ed.

F. Gaebelein; Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1984) 8. 264. Other objections are often

based on implicit false dichotomies; e.g., J. Gnilka (Das Evangelium nach Markus [2

vols.; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener; Zurich: Benziger; 1977-78] 2.41) who labels

Mark 9:9-13 a "Gemeindedisput"; or V. Schonle (Johannes, Jesus und die Juden

[Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1982] 53) who notes that Matt 11:14 is explicit rather than

implicit. Both observations may be correct, but neither needs impinge on the authen-

ticity of the sayings involved.

27 W. Wink, John the Baptist in the Gospel Tradition (Cambridge: University

Press, 1968) 16.

28 G. B. Caird, The Gospel of St. Luke (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1963) 113.

29 Cf. C. H. H. Scobie, John the Baptist (London: SCM, 1964) 127, 129.

 



106                 CRISWELL THEOLOGICAL REVIEW

devotion.30  J. A. T. Robinson has stood this approach on its head,

arguing that the Fourth Gospel, here and elsewhere, is more historic-

ally accurate than the Synoptics where they seem to contradict one

another, and that only later did John's status become elevated, accom-

panying the early church's development of a higher Christology.31

There are several plausible hypotheses, though, which find neither

John nor the Synoptics involved in a contradiction. The most common

is that the Baptist was simply denying that he was the literal Elijah

returned from heaven as some Jews were expecting.32 It might be

asked if this would not have been self-evident to John's inquirers.

Others think that John did not genuinely know he was fulfilling the

function of an Elijah,33 but in light of his historical actions, noted

above, this seems somewhat dubious. Perhaps a better approach is to

side with M. de Jonge, who notes the popularity of an expectation of

a purely human Messiah who would not know his identity until Elijah

revealed him; John would naturally deny this type of Elijanic role.34

Alternately, J. R. Michaels proposes that the series of denials in John

1:19-21 (that the Baptist was not the Christ, the Prophet, or Elijah) all

refer to the same fact--that John was not the Messiah.35 The type of

role for Elijah which John would have disclaimed would then be one

which was Christological in nature itself, perhaps a development

from the facts that Malachi's messenger could easily be seen as

priestly (Mal 2:7) and that the Dead Sea sect had already developed

the doctrine of two Messiahs--a priestly as well as a Davidic one.36 It

is difficult to choose among all of these options, but objective histori-

ography demands that a viable, harmonistic solution be preferred to

one which requires that the gospels contradict themselves.37

 

30 For a detailed discussion from this perspective, see Wink, John the Baptist,

89-93.

31 J. A. T. Robinson, "Elijah, John and Jesus: An Essay in Detection," NTS 4

(1957-58) 263-81; cf. B. Lindars, The Gospel of John (London: Oliphants, 1972) 103-4.

C. S. Mann, Mark (Garden City: Doubleday, 1986) 364-68, generally endorses Robin-

son's perspective but argues that Jesus himself first made the switch in identification.

32 Classically, B. F. Westcott, The Gospel according to St. John (London: Mac-

millan, 1908) 34; cf. also L. Morris, The Gospel according to John (Grand Rapids:

Eerdmans, 1971) 134-35; Carson, "Matthew," 269.

33 C. F. D. Moule, The Phenomenon of the New Testament (London: SCM, 1967)

70; cf. also Morris and Carson as in n. 32 above.

34 M. de Jonge, "Jewish Expectations about the 'Messiah' according to the Fourth

Gospel," NTS 19 (1972-73) 246-70.

35 J. R. Michaels, John (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1984) 12.

36 Cf., in part, B. V. Malchow, "The Messenger of the Covenant in Mal 3:1," JBL

103 (1984) 252-55.

37 See esp. C. L. Blomberg, "The Legitimacy and Limits of Harmonization,"

Hermeneutics, Authority and Canon (ed. D. A. Carson and J. D. Woodbridge; Grand

Rapids: Zondervan, 1986) 139-74.



Blomberg: MALACHI IN THE NEW TESTAMENT                     107

 

3. The Context of Malachi. Even if the authenticity and non-

contradictory nature of the gospel texts can be maintained, the final

and perhaps most important question of the meaning of Mal 3:1 in its

original context must be faced. Has the NT fairly utilized this Scrip-

ture by interpreting it first in light of 4:5-6 on Elijah and then by

applying it to John the Baptist? With respect to the first question, it

must be admitted at once that the referent of the messenger in 3:1 is

not self-evident. Commentators have suggested a host of different

figures besides Elijah; the more significant include Malachi himself

(whose name means "messenger"), God himself (taking v 1b as

parallel), the angel of the Lord (as God's heavenly representative on

earth), an ideal figure (and thus not to be equated with any historical

individual), and the whole line of divinely ordained prophets.38 But

scholars also tend to agree that the function of 4:5-6 is to identify the

messenger of 3:1 as Elijah.39 These verses, along with 4:4, are fre-

quently considered, however, as a later appendix to Malachi's proph-

ecy, added by a redactor and therefore not determinative of the

original meaning of 3:1.

To these consensus views three replies need to be made. First,

when a verse as ambiguous as 3:1 is interpreted both by later verses

in the same book (whether or not they were added by the same

hand) and by later works in the same religious tradition in one and

only one way, that interpretation should receive at least prima facie

priority.40 Even if it might be plausibly construed in other ways as

well, Mal 3:1 makes sense as a reference to Elijah, and that observation

bears considerable weight. Second, there is no clear indication that

Mal 4:5-6 is a later addition, despite the popularity of that view.

There is not a shred of textual evidence to support the hypothesis,41

even though conclusions to biblical books are often the sources of

conflicting textual variants. Third, even if 4:5-6 were offering an

interpretation contradictory to that intended by the author of 3:1,

Jewish and Christian interpreters alike have historically affirmed that

 

38 On the alleged parallelism of vv la, b, and c, see C. D. Isbell, Malachi (Grand

Rapids: Zondervan, 1980) 58-59; for all the other views and sample representatives, see

R. L. Smith, Micah-Malachi (Waco: Word, 1984) 327-28.

39 E.g., J. M. P. Smith, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of

Malachi (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1912) 62-63; A. Cohen, The Twelve Prophets

(London: Soncino, 1948) 349; B. S. Childs, Introduction to the Old Testament as

Scripture (London: SCM, 1979) 496. Childs even acknowledges that while 4:5-6 go

beyond the prophet's original message, they do not do injustice to it.

40 Cf. E. Achtemeier, Nahum-Malachi (Atlanta: John Knox, 1986) 184, who notes

that regardless of its pedigree, this interpretation "is just as valid as any of the many

others that have been proposed."

41