Christian Scholars Review 24.1 (1994) 8-25

 Copyright © 1994 by Christian Scholars Review; cited with permission.

 

 

 

                          The Liberating Image?

                      Interpreting the Imago Dei

                                    in Context

 

By J. Richard Middleton

 

For nearly two thousand years now the Christian tradition has singled out

Genesis 1:26-27 for special attention.1 These biblical verses constitute the locus

classicus of the doctrine of imago Dei, the notion that human beings are made in

God's image. The text is important enough to reproduce here in full (including

verse 28, which is an important part of the context).

 

Then God said, "Let us make humanity in our image, according to our

likeness. And let them rule over the fish of the sea and the birds of the air.

Let them rule over the livestock, over all the earth, and over everything that

moves upon the earth." So God created humanity in his image. In the image

of God he created him. Male and female he created them. And God blessed

them and said to them, "Be fruitful and increase, fill, the earth and subdue

it. And rule over the fish of the sea and the birds of the air, and over

every living thing that moves upon the earth." (Genesis 1:26-28)

 

Although the Christian tradition has typically treated these verses as con-

taining a central biblical affirmation with significant implications for human life,

there are only three explicit references to the imago Dei notion in the entire Old

Testament (Genesis 1:26-27; 5:1; and 9:6). Furthermore these references are all

found in that section of Genesis (chapters 1-11) known as the "primeval history,"

in literary strands typically assigned to the priestly writers.2

With the exception of two deuterocanonical references (Wisdom 2:23 and

Ecclesiasticus 17:3-4), the idea that humans are made in God's image does not

surface again until the New Testament. Even here, however, only two texts speak

of creation in God's image (I Corinthians 11:7 and James 3:9). The rest either exalt

Christ as the paradigm (uncreated) image of God or address the salvific renewal

of the image in the Church.

 

The concept of the imago Dei has been widely recognized as central to a Christian un-

derstanding of human beings, yet the paucity of biblical references has left the way open

for a wide variety of philosophical and theological interpretations of this notion. In this

essay J. Richard Middleton presents a "Royal" interpretation which is based on a "virtual

consensus among Old Testament scholars concerning the meaning of the imago Dei in

Genesis"; he then goes on to deal with contemporary theological objections to such an

interpretation. Mr. Middleton teaches Old Testament at the Institute for Christian Studies

(Toronto).                                                        

8



The Liberating Image? Interpreting the Imago Dei in Context                  9

 

The Problem of Contextless Interpretation

 

This paucity of biblical references has contributed to a wide diversity of

opinion over what it means to be made in God's image. The problem is exac-

erbated by the fact that, until recently, very few interpreters have treated the

immediate context of Genesis 1:26-27 as important for determining the meaning

of those verses.  It is not unusual for interpreters explicitly to affirm, contrary

to standard hermeneutical practice, that here context does not clarify meaning.3

As a result, many have turned to extra-biblical, usually philosophical, sources to

interpret the image, and have ended up reading contemporaneous conceptions

of being human back into the Genesis text.

Paul Ricoeur could be taken as a charitable commentator on this state of

affairs, when he introduces his own essay on the imago Dei with the following

words:

When the theologians of the sacerdotal [or priestly] school elaborated the

doctrine of man that is summarized in the startling expression of the first

chapter of Genesis--"Let us make man in our image and likeness"--they

certainly did not master at once all its implicit wealth of meaning.

 

Ricoeur justifies his own explication of this "implicit wealth of meaning" by

adding that:

Each century has the task of elaborating its thought ever anew on the basis

of that indestructible symbol which henceforth belongs to the unchanging

treasury of the Biblical canon.4

 

1 An earlier version of this paper was given at the annual meeting of the Canadian Theo-

logical Society, May 1991, in Kingston, Ontario.

2 Since Julius Wellahausen's famous documentary hypothesis about the composition of the

Pentateuch, argued in Die Composition des Hexateuchs ([1st ed. 1876-78] 4th ed.; Berlin: de

Gruyter, 1963) and in his Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels ([1st ed. 1878] 3rd ed.; Berlin:

Reimer, 1899), it has been standard academic practice to attribute the final literary form of

the book of Genesis (plus chapters 1, 5, 17, 23 and strands of 6-9) to one or more authors or

redactors thought to be of an exilic or post-exilic priestly orientation (typically designated

"P"). In the past two decades, however, the scholarly consensus has seriously eroded.

For a convenient summary of the history and present state of Pentateuchal criticism as

it applies to Genesis, see Gordon J. Wenham, Genesis 1-15, Word Biblical Commentary 1

(Waco; Texas: Word, 1987), pp. xxv-xlv. For an incisive, extended evaluation of the past

century of scholarship on Genesis, see Duane Garrett, Rethinking Genesis: The Sources and

Authorship of the First Book of the Pentateuch (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1991).

3 G. C. Berkhouwer, for example, in Man: The Image of God, trans. by Dirk W. Jellema (Grand

Rapids: Eerdmans, 1962), states that Genesis 1 affirms a likeness between humans and God

"with no explanation given as to exactly what this likeness consists of or implies" (p. 69).

In a similar vein, Carl F. H. Henry claims that "the Bible does not define for us the precise

content of the original imago" (in God, Revelation and Authority, Vol. II God Who Speaks and

Shows: Fifteen Theses, Part One [Waco, Texas: Word, 1976], p. 125) and Charles Lee Feinberg

asks: "After all, what is the image of God? The biblical data furnish no systematic theory

of the subject, no clue as to what is implied" (in "The Image of God," Bibliotheca Sacra 129

[July Sept 1972] 515: 238).

4 Paul Ricoeur, "The Image of God and the Epic of Mart," History and Truth, trans. by Charles

A. Kelbley (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1965), p. 110.



Christian Scholar's Review                                                   10

 

A different (and less charitable) reading of the history of interpretation

is given by theologian Hendrikus Berkhof. Berkhof replaces the explication of

implicit meaning with another image. "By studying how systematic theologies

have poured meaning into Gen. 1:26," he notes, "one could write a piece of

Europe's cultural history."5

Berkhof's judgment is echoed, in somewhat more colourful language, by

Old Testament scholar Norman Snaith. In Snaith's words:

 

Many "orthodox" theologians through the centuries have lifted the phrase

"the image of God" (imago Dei) right out of its context, and, like Humpty-

Dumpty, they have made the word mean just what they choose it to mean.6

 

Although this may be something of an exaggeration, it is not much of one.

For the vast majority of interpreters right up to recent times have sought the

meaning of the image in terms of a metaphysical analogy or similarity between

the human soul and the being of God, in categories not likely to have occurred

to the author of Genesis. As blissfully unconcerned with authorial intent as any

post-structuralist critic, most medieval and modern interpreters have typically

asked not an exegetical, but a speculative, question: In what way are humans

like God and unlike animals? In answer to this question, various candidates have

been suggested for the content of the image. These range from human reason,

through conscience, immortality, and spirituality, to freedom and personhood.

This dominant metaphysical stream of interpretation stretches from Ireneaus

through Augustine to Aquinas in the pre-modern period, and until recently has

held sway even in the modern period.

There has been, however, a significant minority reading of the image which

has attempted to substitute for the metaphysical, substantialistic analogy a dy-

namic, relational notion. This attempt begins in the Reformation with Luther, and

Calvin, who at least try to modify or adumbrate the metaphysical interpretation

with the image as ethical conformity or obedient response to God. In more recent

years, under the influence of "existential" anthropology, the human-divine, I-

Thou relation has been suggested as the key to the image. Karl Barth and Emil

Brunner, among others, have proposed that the image of God refers to the

capacity of human beings to be addressed by and to respond to God's Word.7

 

5 Hendrikus Berkhof, Christian Faith: An Introduction to the Study of the Faith, trans. by Sierd

Woudstra (Grand Rapids: Eerdman, 1979), p. 179. Emphasis added.

6 Snaith, "The Image of God," Expository Times 86 (October 1974-September 1975): 24. To the

comments of Berkhof and Snaith could be added those of Karl Barth, who makes essentially

the same criticism in his Church Dogmatics, 3/1 (Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark, 1958), pp. 192-

193. Although Barth certainly attempts to root his own interpretation of the imago Dei in

exegesis, he also ends up, willy nilly, reading contemporaneous anthropological notions

into the text.

7 For the terminology of substantalistic and relational interpretations I am indebted to Dou-

glas John Hall, Imaging God: Dominion as Stewardship (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1986), p. 89.

Hall has himself modified the categories of Paul Ramsey in Basic Christian Ethics (New York:

Charles Scribner s Sons, 1950). Summary accounts of the history of interpretation are found



The Liberating Image? Interpreting the Imago Dei in Context                              11

 

What these two (dominant and minor) streams of interpretation have in

common is that both may be found in the writings of theologians; writings which

largely, if not entirely, ignore the massive literature in Old Testament scholarship

on the imago Dei. This theological ignorance of biblical scholarship is a shame,

on two counts.

First of all, the interpretation of the imago Dei among theologians almost

universally excludes the body from the image, thus entrenching a dualistic read-

ing of the human condition. Although few modern interpreters come to the

Genesis text with the ascetic predilections of Origen or Augustine, nevertheless

this unwarranted limitation of the image continues to perpetuate an implicit

devaluation of the concrete life of the body in relation to spirituality.

            What is a shame about this is that any Old Testament scholar worth her

salt will tell you that the semantic range of tselem, the Hebrew word for "image"

in Genesis 1, typically includes "idol," which in the common theology of the

ancient Near East is precisely a localized, visible, corporeal representation of the

divine. A simple word study would thus lead to the preliminary observation

that visibility and bodiliness are minimally a necessary condition of being tselem

elohim or imago Dei.8

But the ignorance of biblical scholarship among theologians is shameful

for another reason. As my own survey of the field of Old Testament studies

has revealed (and this is confirmed by the recently published Lund dissertation

of Gunnlaugur A. Jonsson), there is at present a virtual consensus among Old

Testament scholars concerning the meaning of the imago Dei in Genesis.9

 

in Hall, chap. 3: "Two Historical Conceptions of the Imago Dei"; G. C. Berkouwer, Man: The

Image of God, chap. 2: "A Preliminary Orientation;" Emil Brunner, Man in Revolt: A Christian

Anthropology, trans. by Olive Wyon (London: Lutterworth, 1939), Appendix I: "The Image

of God in the Teaching of the Bible and the Church"; and Anthony A. Hoekema, Created

in God's Image (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1986), chap. 4: "The Image of God: Historical

Survey." A more extended history of interpretation may be found in chaps. 4-13 of David

Cairns, The Image of God in Man (Revised ed.; London: Collins, 1973).

8 Although a number of different Hebrew words translate as "image" or "idol" in the

Old Testament, tselem is used for idols in Numbers 33:52; II Kings 11:18; II Chronicles

23:17; Ezekiel 7:20, 16:27; and Amos 5:26. Based on this usage Walter Kaiser Jr. in Towards

an Old Testament Theology (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1978), p. 76, translates tselem as

"carved or hewn statue or copy." The case for demut ("likeness") is more complicated.

Although biblical scholars have often suggested that the physical, concrete connotation of

tselem is intentionally modified by the more abstract demut, this latter term is sometimes

used within Scripture for concrete, visible representations, as in I Samuel 6:5 and 11; II

Chronicles 4:3; and Daniel 3:1. Furthermore, a recent (1979) excavation at Tell Fekheriyeh

in Syria unearthed a 9th century statue with a bilingual inscription containing the cognate

equivalents of both tselem and demut in Assyrian and Aramaic as parallel terms designating

the statue. For an account of this inscription, see A. R. Millard and P. Bordreuil, "A Statue

from Syria with Assyrian and Aramaic Inscriptions," Biblical Archeologist 45 (1982): 135-141.

9 See Gunnlaugur A. Jonsson, The Image of God: Genesis 1:26-28 in a Century of Old Testament

Research, trans. by Lorraine Svendsen, rev. by Michael S. Cheney (Lund: Almqvist and

Wiksell, 1988), pp. 219-225. Before reading Jonsson, I would have said that perhaps 85% of



Christian Scholar's Review                                                                                       12

 

This virtual consensus is based, in the first place, on careful literary and

rhetorical analysis of Genesis 1:1-2:3 as a textual unit.10 Such analysis notes the

predominantly "royal" flavour of the text, and does not depend only on the close

linking of image with the mandate to rule and subdue the earth and its creatures

in verses 26 and 28 (typically royal functions). Beyond this royal mandate, the

God in whose image and likeness humans are created is depicted as sovereign

over the cosmos, ruling by royal decree ("let there be") and even addressing the

divine council or heavenly court with the words: "let us make humanity in our

image," an address which parallels God's question to the seraphim at the call

of Isaiah (in Isaiah 6:8), "Whom shall I send? And who will go for us?" Just as

Isaiah saw Yahweh "seated on a throne, high and exalted" (6:1), so the writer of

Genesis 1 portrays God as King presiding over "heaven and earth," an ordered

and harmonious realm in which each creature manifests the will of the Creator

and is thus declared "good."

These and other rhetorical clues, when taken together with the wealth of

comparative studies of Israel and the ancient Near East, have led to an interpre-

tation which sees the image of God as the royal function or office of human beings

as God's representatives and agents in the world, given authorized power to share

in God's rule over the earth's resources and creatures.11

         Since the main function of divinity in both Israel and the ancient Near East is

precisely to rule (hence kings were often viewed as divine), it is no wonder Psalm

8 asserts that in putting all things under their feet and giving them dominion over

the works of God's hands, God has made humans "little less than elohim" (Psalm

8:5-6). It does not matter whether elohim is translated as "God" or "angels" (as

in the Septuagint), the meaning is virtually unchanged. In the theology of both

Psalm 8 and Genesis 1, humans (like the angelic heavenly court) have been given

royal, and thus god-like, status in the world.12

 

Old Testament scholars were in agreement with the interpretation proposed here. Jonnsson,

however, whose study surveys a century of Old Testament research in English, West

European and Scandinavian languages, portrays the degree of consensus as considerably

higher. The two most substantial articles in English by Old Testament scholars on the imago

Dei, both of which contain extensive references, are D. J. A. Clines, "The Image of God in

Man," Tyndale Bulletin 19 (1968): 53-103 and Phyllis A. Bird, "'Male and Female He Created

Them': Gen 1:27b in the Context of the Priestly Account of Creation," Harvard Theological

Review 74 (1981) 2: 129-159.

10 Examples of good literary analyses of Genesis 1 include Walter Brueggemann, Genesis

(Atlanta: John Knox, 1982), pp. 22-39 and Bernhard W. Anderson, "A Stylistic Study of the

Priestly Creation Story," in Canon and Authority: Essays in Old Testament Religion and Theol-

ogy, ed. by George W. Coats and Burke O. Long (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1977), pp. 148-162.

11 The near unanimity in Old Testament scholarship in proposing this "royal" interpretation

of the imago Dei does not extend to the actual reasons advanced for this interpretation.

Various scholars forward quite different lines of evidence, not all of which are of equal

value. In this paper I summarize only the main lines of such evidence as I find convincing.

12 0n the centrality of God as Ruler in the Old Testament, see Patrick D. Miller, Jr., "The

Sovereignty of God," in The Hermeneutical Quest: Essays in Honor of James Luther Mays on

His



The Liberating Image? Interpreting the Imago Dei in Context                              13

 

Although a "royal" reading of the image has found scattered support in

the pre-twentieth century history of interpretation, its career in the field of Old

Testament scholarship begins in 1898 and 1915 with the work, respectively, of

H. Holzinger and Johannes Hehn.13 And although there are at present a few

important dissenters within Old Testament studies, such as Claus Westermann

who holds to a modified Barthian interpretation, the last thirty years have seen

the royal interpretation of the imago Dei come virtually to monopolize the field.14

Old Testament scholars, however, tend to be notorious in their hesitancy

to make broad theological pronouncements based on their research, preferring

instead to remain submerged in the textual and linguistic minutiae of their dis-

cipline. The theological significance, therefore, of the royal interpretation of the

imago Dei has remained largely unexplored. The time is ripe, then, for extended

theological reflection on the image of God that takes seriously both the biblical

materials and contemporary biblical scholarship.

 

Contemporary Objections to the Royal Interpretation

But just as this opportunity presents itself, the very notion of rule, whether

human or divine, has become problematic. This is not the place to rehearse the

recent history of feminist theology, with its profound challenges to patriarchy

as an ideologically legitimated social system. Suffice it to say that no theologian

today attempting to reflect on the imago Dei as rule can avoid grappling with

the objections raised, for example, by Sallie McFague in Models of God to the

traditional picture of God as a transcendent divine Monarch exercising absolute

rule over his kingdom--a picture obviously crucial for the royal interpretation of

the image. Such a picture, claims McFague, is derived from a patriarchal model

 

Sixty-Fifth Birthday, ed. by Donald G. Miller (Allison Park, Penn.: Pickwick Publications,

1986), pp. 129-144; G. Ernest Wright, The Old Testament and Theology (New York: Harper and

Row, 1969), chap. 4: "God the Lord," pp. 97-150; and J. Stanley Chestnut, The Old Testament

Understanding of God (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1968), chap. 4: "God and Kingship," pp.

70-81. On the relationship of divinity and rule in the ancient Near East, see Gary V. Smith,

"The Concept of God/the Gods as King in the Ancient Near East and the Bible," Trinity

Journal 3 (Spring 1982) 1: 18-38; and Henri Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods: A Study of

Ancient Near Eastern Religion as the Integration of Society and Nature (Chicago: University of

Chicago Press, 1948).

13 An early example of the royal interpretation in the Jewish tradition is found in Saadya's

10th century commentary on Genesis (cited by Jon D. Levenson, Creation and the Persistence

of Evil: The Jewish Drama of Divine Omnipotence [San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1988], p.

112). An early example of the royal interpretation in the Christian tradition is found among

16th century Socinians and is explicitly stated in the Socinian Catechismus .Racoviensis of 1605

(see Berkouwer, p. 70 and Hall, pp. 71 and 217). On the pioneering work of Holzinger and

Helmn, see Jonssori s account on pp. 55-59.

14 Westermann's extensive treatment of the imago Dei text is found in part one of his three-

part commentary on the book, Genesis 1-11: A Commentary, trans. by John J. Scullion from

the 1974 German edition (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1984), pp. 142-161.



Christian Scholar's Review                                                                                       14

 

of man ruling over woman and serves to enforce and legitimate such rule by its

association of male dominance with God's transcendence.15

Neither can theologians ignore the objections raised by Catherine Keller,

to take another example, in her superb interdisciplinary study, From a Bro-

ken Web, where she attempts to deconstruct the first chapter of Genesis as a

thinly disguised--more gentlemanly--version of the Enuma Elish, the classic

Mesopotamian creation story, which--on her reading--served mythically to le-

gitimate patriarchy in the Babylonian empire. Keller goes further than McFague

in exposing not only the parallels between God-world and man-woman, but the

way in which rule involves the externalization of the other as an object and its

ultimate demonization.16

In addition to feminist objections, however, the Genesis mandate for human

dominion of the earth has often been linked to the present environmental crisis.

The literature is too large to cite exhaustively, but historians like Lynn White, Jr.

and contemporary scientists from Ian McHarg to David Suzuki have challenged

the Western model of humanity over against the non-human world, which they

trace back to its roots in Genesis.17

Beyond both feminist and ecological objections, however, Old Testament

scholar Walter Brueggemann has noted the propensity of creation theology to

serve to legitimate the status quo. In his prolific writings on the Old Testa-

ment, in which he (unlike many Old Testament scholars) powerfully bridges

the hermeneutical gap between ancient text and present situation, Brueggemann

has vividly shown how easily ideologies ground the present social order in the

order of creation, thus religiously disallowing the possibility of change.18

         In the wake of this host of warnings concerning the oppressive consequences

of creation theology in general and the monarchial model in particular, a legiti-

mate question arises as to whether a "royal" reading of the imago Dei, whatever

its exegetical basis, is tenable today.

 

15 Sallie McFague, Models of God: Theology for an Ecological, Nuclear Age (Philadelphia: For-

tress, 1987), pp. 63-69. Also relevant is McFague's Metaphorical Theology: Models of God in

Religious Language (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1982), chap. 5: "God the Father: Model or Idol?"

16 Catherine Keller, From a Broken Web: Separation, Sexism, and Self (Boston: Beacon Press,

1986), pp. 73-88.

17 Lynn White, Jr., "The Historical Roots of Our Ecologic Crisis," Science 155 (10 March,

1967): 1203-1207; Ian McHarg, Design with Nature (Garden City, N.Y.: Natural History

Press, 1969), p. 26 et passim; David Suzuki, "Subdue the Earth," Part 2 of his television

series, A Planet for the Taking (Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, 1985).

18For example, see Walter Brueggemann, The Message of the Psalms: A Theological Commentary (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1984), pp. 27-28; The Prophetic Imagination

(Philadelphia: Fortress, 1978), pp. 39-40; Israel's Praise: Doxology Against Idolatry and Ideology (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1988), pp. 101-121; and "A Shape for Old Testament Theology,

I: Structure Legitimation," Catholic Biblical Quarterly 47 (January 1985) 1: 28-46 (especially pp.

41-42). I have questioned the one-sidedness of Brueggemann's argument in "Is Creation

Theology Inherently Conservative? A Dialogue with Walter Brueggemann," Harvard

Theological Review 87 (1994) 3.



The Liberating Image? Interpreting the Imago Dei in Context                              15

 

It is, of course, impossible to give a comprehensive answer to this question    

in the short compass of this paper. My purpose is less to settle the matter than to

indicate the main contours of an adequate response, and thus to open dialogue

on the subject.

 

A Personal Confession

Let me begin by saying that I do not take these contemporary objections

lightly. As one whose consciousness has been shaped by both biblical and post-

modern sensitivity to marginalization and oppression (even in the name of high

ideals;), I have had to re-evaluate my own use of creation and kingdom language,

as well as its function in Scripture and the church.

I am highly suspicious, for example, of the triumphalist use of such lan-

guage within the growing conservative movement in the United States (and

to some extent in Canada) known as "Theonomy" or "Christian Reconstruc-

tion." This movement, which represents the extreme right-wing of Calvinism,

not only propounds a post-millennial eschatology of progress, but claims a royal

reading of the imago Dei as part of its program for "reconstructing" America

along theocratic lines, with full implementation of Old Testament legislation and

sanctions. A commentary on Genesis by a leading reconstructionist is thus aptly-

and ominously--entitled The Dominion Covenant. With a combination like that I

believe the potential for oppression is obvious.19

         Let me, therefore, freely admit that creation theology and monarchial images

of God and humanity may be--and have been--used to legitimate systems of

oppression. The trouble is that I do not believe that either creation theology or

the metaphor of rule have exclusive rights to being oppressively used.20

 

19 Gary North, The Dominion Covenant: Genesis (Tyler, Texas: Institute for Christian Eco-

nomics, 1982). The two foundational texts of Christian Reconstructiion are Rousas John

Rushdoony, Institutes of Biblical Law (Nutley, N.J.: Craig Press, 1973) and Greg L. Banhsen,

Theonomy in Christian Ethics (Nutley, N.J.: Craig Press, 1977). For a brief summary of

the movement, see Rodney Clapp, The Reconstructionists (rev. ed.; Downers Grove, Ill.:

InterVarsity Press, 1990). For a sustained, sympathetic critique, see the essays in William

S. Barker and W. Robert Gofrey (eds.), Theonomy: A Reformed Critique (Grand Rapids:

Zondeivan, 1988).

20 It is well known that Karl Barth's objection to Emil Brunner's call for a new (non-

Thomistic) "natural theology" or emphasis on creation order was in part fuelled by his

observation that German National Socialism appealed to the notion of such order to

legitimate its conservative, authoritarian ideology. Brunner himself agreed that there were

"political" consequences to a theology of creation, but pointed out (correctly, I believe)

that these were not inherently conservative, but could indeed be revolutionary (see Natural

Theology, trans. by Peter Fraenkel [London: Geoffrey Bles, 1948], p. 51). On this ambiguity

in the social practice of Calvinism (that branch of Protestantism with the most explicit

theology of creation), see Nicholas Wolterstorff, Until Justice and Peace Embrace (Grand

Rapids:: Eerdmans, 1983), chap. 1: "World Formative Christianity."



Christian Scholar's Review                                                                           16

 

I grew up in a small pietistic church with a virtually non-existent creation

theology. The dominant theology of fall and salvation, however, encouraged

quietistic attitudes to the world and tended to legitimate the status quo by

divorcing social concerns from the life of faith. I was pushed to a more world-

transformative spirituality precisely by a theology of creation which questioned

the identity of the present order with the way things were creationally meant to

be. Creation thus functioned as a transcendent ground of criticism vis a vis the

status quo. This theology, furthermore, affirmed the goodness and integrity of the

natural order against every attempt to manipulate it for purely human ends.21

As for the metaphor of rule, it strikes me that this captures something

of the empirical realities of power, which humans undoubtedly have over our

environment, and which is not an intrinsically male trait, as Genesis 1 recognizes

("male and female he created them"). I do not believe we can avoid the question

of power, since the dialectic of oppression and liberation can be retranslated

as a dialectic of powerlessness and empowerment. The question is not whether

humans have power, but how they organize and use such power.22

Furthermore--and this may be a sensitive issue for a male to raise--I can

testify to having experienced (justly, I suppose) marginalization at the hands

of some feminists. I have even attended lectures by a prominent feminist the-

ologian whose aggressive stance and triumphalistic fervor would have put any

reconstructionist to shame.

The problem with the critique of ideology is that it cuts both ways. Any

position can itself become ideological if it is exempted from the possibility of

critique. Certainly, the imago Dei as rule can become an ideology. But it is not

necessarily ideological.

 

The Polemical Intent of Genesis 1

On the contrary, if read contextually, vis a vis its historical background, in

terms of its polemical intent against ancient Near Eastern notions of humanity

and kingship, Genesis 1:26-27 turns out to be not oppressive, but liberating and

empowering. At least, that is how the text would have functioned for its original

hearers.

It has long been recognized that Genesis 1 likely contains a polemic against

ancient Near Eastern polytheism, replacing the bloody battle of the gods found in

 

21 See Brian J. Walsh and J. Richard Middleton, The Transforming Vision: Shaping a Christian

World View (Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 1984) for an attempt to articulate

a creation theology that is alternative to both dualistic, world-avertive pietism and the

modern secular ideal of world-mastery.

22 On the subject of power in the Scriptures, see J. P. M. Walsh, The Might from Their

Thrones: Power in the Biblical Tradition (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987). The connection be-

tween theology/ideology and social power arrangements is the major focus of Norman

K. Gottwald's ground-breaking and massive work, The Tribes of Yahweh: A Sociology of the