Bibliotheca
Sacra 141 (Jan. 1984) 3-15.
Copyright © 1984 by
Colossian
Problems
Part 1:
Jews and Christians
in
the
F. F. Bruce
In antiquity several rivers in
River.1 The
southwestern Phrygia and flowed into
the
one speaks of the cities of the
three which are mentioned in the Book of Colossians:
was by far the oldest; it was a city when Xerxes
and his army
passed that way in 480 B.C.2
Seleucid
King Antiochus II (261-246 B.C.);
the constitution of a city from Eumenes
II, king of
(197-160
B.C.).
The region formed part of the
overthrow of Croesus, king of
Great's conquest of
and a half the Lycus
Valley was ruled by Alexander and his
successors, but by the Peace of Apamea,
imposed by the Romans
on Antiochus III in 188 B.C., it was taken from
the Seleucids and
added to the
realm to the Romans, who four years later reorganized
it as the
province of
The cities of the
spite of the severe damage they suffered from time to
time be-
cause of earthquakes. Their prosperity was based on
their prin-
3
4
Bibliotheca Sacra—January-March 1984
cipal industry -- the
manufacture and preparation of woolen
fabrics, which were carried by river to the
Aegean coast and
exported to various parts of the ancient world.
Jewish Settlers in
Some Jewish settlement in western
back to the sixth century B.C.; apparently Jewish
exiles were in
the Lydian capital,
Josephus
said Seleucus I (312-281 B.C.) granted Jews full
civic
rights in all the cities he founded.4 (It
is wise to consider carefully
what is meant by "full civic rights" when
their enjoyment by Jews
in a Hellenistic city is mentioned by Josephus or
other Jewish
writers.) Antiochus II is said to have planted
Jewish colonies in
the cities of Ionia.5 But Jewish settlement
in
significant scale is to be dated late in the third
century B.C.,
when Antiochus III, having recovered
rebellious uncle Achaeus
(214 B.C.), ordered his satrap Zeuxis to
send 2,000 Jewish families with their property from
military settlers in the garrisons and other
vital centers of those
two regions. Houses and cultivable lands were to be
provided for
them, they were to be exempt from taxation for 10
years, and they
were to have the right to live under their own laws.6
The essential credibility of this
report by Josephus, and of
the royal decree which it embodies, may be
confidently accepted.
The
king's letter to Zeuxis, says Rostovtzeff,
"undoubtedly gives
us exactly the normal procedure when the Seleucids
founded a
colony."7 One Zeuxis
was satrap of
he may be identical with the Zeuxis
who was satrap of
between 201 and 190 B.C.9
An explanation of Antiochus III's belief that Babylonian Jews
were the kind of settlers who would help stabilize
disaffected
areas of his empire may perhaps be provided in an
enigmatic
allusion in 2 Maccabees
8:20. There Judas Maccabaeus is said to
have encouraged his troops on one occasion, when
they were
threatened by a much superior army, by reminding
them of "the
battle with the Galatians that took place in
8,000
in all went into the affair, with 4,000 Macedonians; and
when the Macedonians were hard pressed, the 8,000,
by the help
that came to them from heaven, destroyed 120,000 and
took
much booty." This tradition, which has
doubtless lost nothing in
the telling (particularly with regard to the
numbers on the oppos-
Jews and Christians in the Lycus valley
5
ing side), probably refers
to the earlier part of the reign of Anti-
ochus III. The Galatians
habitually hired out their services as
mercenaries; presumably on this occasion Galatian mercenaries
were engaged on the side of some of Antiochus'
enemies. The help
then given him by Babylonian Jews could well have
moved him to
settle a number of them in Phrygia and
interests in those territories.
The political changes by which the
cessively under the rule of
difference to the Jews who resided there. Even the
overrunning
of proconsular
years' war, did not seriously disturb them. Almost
immediately
after the end of the Mithridatic
war evidence points to a large and
prosperous Jewish population in the
boring parts of
In 62 B.C. Lucius
Valerius Flaccus, proconsul
of
pounded the proceeds of the annual half-shekel
tax which the
Jews
of his province, in common with male Jews 20 years of age
and older throughout the world, contributed for the
mainte-
nance of the temple in
official ban on the export of gold and silver
from the Roman
Empire to foreign countries. But it may well be that
by use and
custom, if not by senatorial decree, an exception was
made in
respect to the Jewish temple tax; and in any
case it could be
argued that from 63 B.C.
no longer counted as a foreign country. Flaccus was brought to
court in 59 B.C. on a charge of acting illegally in
the matter; he was
defended by
preserved.10
ished by the export of so
much wealth year by year; therefore he
may have exaggerated in his estimate of the sums of
money
involved.
However that may be, he stated that
at Apamea gold amount-
ing to just under 100 Roman
pounds had been impounded: at
dard of 36 aurei (gold denarii) to the
gold pound (libra)
was in
force, and the aureus was
reckoned to be equivalent to 25 drach-
mae or
denarii.
Therefore it has been calculated that nearly
45,000
half-shekels (didrachma)
were collected at Apamea, and
over 9,000 at Laodicea.11 This does not
mean that there were
'respectively 45,000 and 9,000 male Jews of the appropriate
age
resident at Apamea and
6
Bibliotheca Sacra--January-March 1984
which the money collected in the surrounding
districts was
brought for conversion into more manageable form
and eventual
dispatch to
exaggeration, the Jewish population
of
able.
Later in the same century the
collection and export of the
half-shekel were expressly authorized in successive
decrees of
Julius
Caesar and Augustus.12 Augustus' right-hand man Mar-
cus Vipsanius
Agrippa took specific measures in 14 B.C. (at the
request of Herod the Great) to protect the Jews
of Asia Minor
against interference with this privilege (and
also against being
compelled to appear in law courts on the Sabbath
day).13
Josephus quotes a letter sent by the
magistrates of
about 45 B.C. to a Roman official, probably the
proconsul of
confirming that, in accordance with his directions,
they would
not impede Jewish residents in the observance and
other prac-
tices of their religion.14
In A.D. 2/3 Augustus issued a full state-
ment of Jewish rights in
that part of the empire; it was posted up
in Ancyra, capital of
the
After the end of the second Jewish
commonwealth in A.D. 70
the Jews of the dispersion continued to enjoy their
privileges,
apart from the diversion of the half-shekel tax to
the temple of
Jupiter Capitolinus in
the maintenance of their privileges in Alexandria16
and Syrian
the eastern provinces. Ramsay thought that evidence
for a specif-
ic provision safeguarding
Jewish privileges at Apamea was to be
found in a tomb inscription of the third century A.D.
directing
that no one was to be buried in the tomb except its
owner and his
wife. "If any one acts [contrary to this
direction]," the inscription
concludes, "he knows the law of the
Jews."18 Ramsay inferred at
one time that "the law of the Jews" here
invoked could not be the
Mosaic
Law but was a local regulation registered with the city
authorities, protecting the burial privileges of the
Jewish
community.19 This is possible; but
two Jewish tomb inscriptions
of the mid-third century, from Blaundos
and Akmonia, in west-
central
Deuteronomy"
(presumably in Deut. 28:15-68),20 so
"the law of
the Jews" in the Apamea
inscription could very well be the Mosaic
Law. (A similar inscription from
200,
stipulates that for any unauthorized burial in the tomb a
fine must be paid to the Jewish community in that
city.21)
Jews and Christians in the
From a comparative study of Greek
inscriptions in
Ramsay
deduced that the Jewish communities of that region
were marked by a degree of religious laxity
exceptional in the
diaspora — that members of
Jewish families could combine the
office (or at least the title) of a]rxisuna<gwgoj with responsible
participation in pagan cults.22
The evidence is not unambiguous;
his deductions depended at times on his
identification of the
bearers of certain family names as Jews just
because they bore
those names. From an inscription in Akmonia, Ramsay quoted a
reference to one Julia Severa
who was honored by the local
synagogue23 and was mentioned on
local coins of Nero, Agrippina
(the younger), and Poppaea as
having held municipal office
together with her husband Servenius
Capito (say, between A.D.
54
and 65).24 It was difficult to hold such office without at least
some involvement in local cults, not to mention the
imperial cult.
But
Julia Severa appears to have been a descendant of
Herod,25
and members of the Herod family were not typical
Jews.
On the inscription which mentions
Julia Severa refer-
ence is made to one Gaius Tyrronius Cladus as a life-long
a]rxisuna<gwgoj.
Ramsay judged that "the strange name Tyrro-
nius . . . may in all cases
be taken as Jewish, "26 and went on to
draw inferences of doubtful cogency from its other
inscriptional
occurrences — a course which he himself admitted to
be one "of
speculation and uncertainty, where each step is more
slippery
than the preceding one."27
Some outward conformity with
pagan
customs on the part of influential Jews in
as established; but it would be precarious to draw
conclusions
from this about forms of syncretism that might be
reflected in
the beliefs and practices deprecated in Paul's
Epistle to the
Colossians.
The influence of the Jewish
settlements in
folklore of the region is well illustrated at Apamea, where the
story of Noah was taken over as a local cult legend,
to the point
where the Septuagint word for "ark" (Kibwto<j) appears as an
alternative name for the city. Probably a local
flood legend was
there already, before Jewish settlement in the area
began, but
under Jewish influence it was merged with the Flood
narrative of
Genesis. On Apamean
coins of the third century A.D. there
appears an ark with the inscription Nw?e (the Septuagintal form
of Noah's name), floating on water; in it are two
human figures,
while two others, a man and a woman, stand beside it;
on top is a
raven and above it a dove with an olive branch in its
beak. Two
8
Bibliotheca Sacra—January-March
1984
phases of the story are thus represented: in one, Noah
and his
wife are in the ark; in the other, they are on dry
land beside the
ark, thanking God for their preservation.28
This Phrygian setting for the story
of Noah is recorded in the
Sibylline Oracles (1. 261-65): "In
the
tapering
of the great Marsyas
well forth. The ark remained on the peak of
that height when the waters abated." The River Marsyas or
Catarrhactes (modern Dinar-su) rises in a recess under the
acropolis of ancient Celaenae;
it flows through Apamea (modern
Dinar), on
the outskirts of which it falls into the
Evidently
the Sibylline author identified Ararat with the acropolis
of Celaenae.
Christianity in
The inclusion of
grims came to
death and resurrection (Acts 2:10) may be designed to
prepare
the reader for the eventual evangelization of that
region.29
Whether
that is so or not, the gospel came to
quarter of a century from that date. In
Phrygian
and Galatian region" of Acts 16:6) the cities of
Pisidian
as Xenophon calls it30
— were evangelized by Barnabas and Paul
in A.D. 47 or 48 (Acts 13:14-14:4). Phrygia Asiana farther west,
including the
during Paul's Ephesian
ministry, when "all who lived in
heard the word of the Lord, both Jews and
Greeks" (Acts 19:10).
The
plain from Colossians 2:1 that he was not personally
acquainted
with the churches there. He had certainly met
individual mem-
bers of those churches such
as Philemon, who indeed appears to
have been one of his converts (that is the natural
sense of his
reminder to him in Phile.
19, "you owe to me even your own self").
The
preaching of the gospel and planting of churches in the Lycus
Valley
were evidently the work of Epaphras, whom Paul calls
his
"fellow bond-servant" (Col. 1:7) and
"fellow-prisoner" (Phile. 23).
Possibly when Paul journeyed
overland from the east to
way of the
Jews and
Christians in the
upper
parts," a]nwterika>
me<rh; Acts 19:1), Luke may have meant
the Lycus route. Any
district up country could be called "the
upper parts" from the standpoint of
shore. But it has commonly been thought more probable
that he
went by a higher road farther north, which left the Lycus route at
Apamea and approached
gis, not on the south of it
(as the Lycus road did).31
A reasonable inference from Luke's
account is that, while
Paul's
personal headquarters were in
of the evangelizing of proconsular
active in other parts of the province (such as Epaphras in the
which the Johannine
Apocalypse was addressed, as well as other
Asian
churches, were planted during that fertile period.32
The only direct information in the
New Testament about
Christianity
in the
the Colossians and to Philemon, and in the letter
to the Laodi-
cean church (Rev. 3:14-22).
The passage in Revelation 3 suggests
that the churches of the
ity of their environment;
the cutting edge of their distinctive
Christian
witness was accordingly blunted. Among various
touches of local color in the letter to
lukewarmness for which the church is
rebuked. By contrast with
the medicinal hot springs of
of cold water available at
through high-pressure stone pipes from Denizli, some five miles
distant, and by the time it reached
Perhaps,
like the water which the villagers of Ecirli are
reported
as drawing today from the
it had to be left standing in stone jars until it
cooled.33
The churches of
communication; the cities stood 10
miles apart, on opposite
banks of the Lycus. Paul
directed the Colossian Christians to
send on his letter to the Laodicean
church when they themselves
had read it, and to make sure that in exchange they
received and
read the "letter from
itself, but no solution to it is to be offered here.
The letter has
been identified with one or another of the letters
to the Ephe-
sians, to Philemon, and to
the Hebrews. One of these identifica-
tions may be right, or all
may be wrong. It is not even certain that
the letter in question was written by Paul. If he
had sent a letter to
10
Bibliotheca Sacra—January-March
1984
the Laodicean church
about that time, why should he have used
the Epistle to the Colossians to send greetings to
"the brethren
who are in
named house church?34
Again, why is Paul's message to Archippus given immediate-
ly after the apostle
referred to
ministry was to be exercised in the Laodicean church? Perhaps it
was; if so, has this any bearing on the mention of
his name in
Philemon
2, where Paul calls him "our fellow-soldier"? To put
flesh on these bare bones calls for a measure of
creative imagina-
tion with which this writer
has not been endowed.35 This at least
may be said: the churches of the
involved in one another's life and witness.
The later references in the New
Testament to the churches of
elders of the Ephesian
church he warned them of times of trouble
ahead, trouble caused not only by hostile assaults
from outside
but also by false teachers within (Acts 20:29-30).
That these
forebodings were well founded is evident from 2
Timothy 1:15,
where "all who are in
Paul,
that is, presumably, from the purity of the gospel. One need
not suppose that the churches of the
from this unfavorable report. The apocalyptic letter
to the church
of
Happily the faith of the Asian
churches, including the Lycus
churches, was revived in the latter part of the
first century by the
immigration of some Palestinian believers whose
association
with the Christian movement went back to early days.
Among
these were Philip and at least some of his four
prophesying
daughters, whose tombs were pointed out at
the end of the second century.36 There
is some confusion in
Eusebius
or his sources between Philip the apostle and Philip the
evangelist. The reference is probably to Philip the
evangelist,
with whom Paul and his companions spent several days
at
Caesarea
in A.D. 57 before completing their journey to
to hand over the Gentile churches' gifts to the
mother church
(Acts 21:8-14). Not surprisingly in due
course a church was
dedicated in Philip's honor at Hierapolis.37
Of later date (the fifth
century) is the octagonal Martyrion of Philip, substantial
ruins of
which still stand above the city, outside the walls.
Jews and Christians in the
In the first half of the second
century the bishop of
was Papias,38 contemporary with Polycarp (bishop of
and one who, like Polycarp,
heard in his younger days of "John
the disciple of the Lord.”39 Even if Papias' intelligence was as
small as Eusebius reckoned is to be (probably quoting
Papias'
depreciation of himself),41
the loss of his volumes of Exegesis of
the Dominical Oracles is to be greatly regretted.
Whatever might
be the historical value of the remnants of oral
tradition which he
scraped together in these volumes, it would be
interesting to
know what they were.
Another bishop of
century, was Claudius Apollinaris,
who about A.D. 172 presented
a treatise in defense of the Christian faith to
the Emperor Marcus
Aurelius. This treatise is lost, as are also other
works of his
including five volumes of Against the Greeks, two volumes of
Against the Jews, two volumes of On the Truth, and one or more
treatises against the Montanists.41
The Montanists
arose in
second century. Their leader, Montanus,
prophesied that the
new Jerusalem would soon descend from heaven and
take up its
location near Pepouza,
a city about 30 miles north of the Lycus
Valley,
between the
of origin Montanism was
known in other parts of the Christian
world as the Phrygian heresy. But despite the vigor
of Montan-
ism, orthodoxy was far from dying out in
As for
the second and third centuries. The city itself
stood on the south
bank of the Lycus, but its
necropolis was situated on the north
bank. On the north bank, too, was later erected the
Byzantine
church of Saint Michael the Archistrategos, fated to be
destroyed
by Turkish raiders in 1189. According to Ramsay,
its ruins were
still "plainly visible in 1881."43
It remained the religious center of
the district even after the population of
nai, the modern
south, at the foot of
remains unoccupied, it presents an inviting
prospect to
archaeologists.)
It has been suggested that the angel
worship, which, accord-
ing to Colossians 2:18, was
one aspect of the "Colossian heresy,"
reflected a local tendency which persisted for
centuries. Ramsay
quoted from the commentary of Theodoretus
on that verse and
from Canon 35 of the Synod of Laodicea
words which indicate
12
Bibliotheca Sacra—January-March 1984
that the practice of praying to angels was
maintained for some
centuries by Phrygian and Pisidian
Christians in face of official
ecclesiastical prohibition.44
At a still later date this practice,
which had once been condemned as idolatrous, came to
be reck-
oned as piety in the form of
the veneration of the archangel
Michael,
who was credited from the ninth century onward with
being the author of a natural phenomenon in the
vicinity of
most improbable that the practices which incurred
the dis-
approval of the Synod of Laodicea
and of Theodoretus bore any
direct relationship to those deplored by Paul in his
Letter to the
Colossians.
to the resident Christians (Rev. 3:14-22).
Evidence of spiritual
life was there for several centuries to come.
Similarly, according
to the testimony of Ignatius, the
ered a good measure of its
first love by the time he passed through
proconsular Asia on his way to
martyrdom in
110.46
(It is not clear whether Ignatius' military escort took the
road through the
right at Apamea and ran
north of
through the
adelphia and
nearly six centuries earlier. Ignatius made no mention
in his
letters of any city through which he passed
before his arrival at
In
the centuries immediately following, the secular promi-
nence of
matched its secular importance; its bishop
ranked highest
among the bishops of
about A.D. 363, but hardly anything is known of its
proceedings
apart from the 60 "Canons of Laodicea"
which it promulgated.
(The
60th of these, a list of the canonical books of Scripture, may
be of later date.) Several of these rules were
probably restate-
ments of decisions reached at
earlier church councils, but they
were acknowledged by later councils as a basis of
canon law.
The excavations carried out on the
site of
1961
and 1963, under the sponsorship of
The
most impressive discovery was of a Nymphaeum, a
shrine of
Jews and Christians in the
the nymphs, with public fountains. After its
destruction by an
earthquake late in the fifth century this building
was repaired for
use as a Christian meeting place, as is evident
from the Christian
symbols which now decorated it.47
The site was abandoned in the wake
of Turkish invasions of
the 13th century; its place as the political center
of the region was
taken by Denizli. But
Christianity survived in the
as in many other parts of
made provision for the wholesale exchange of the
Greek residents
in
in
carried through effectively on a religious
basis. Greek-speaking
Muslims
in
Greeks
and transferred to
stands on this scale, however intelligible it may be
in terms of
international politics, must be
deplored as a tragedy by anyone
with a sense of Christian history.
Editor's Note
This is the first in a series of
four articles delivered by the author as the W. H.
1-4, 1983.
Notes
1
In addition to the Phrygian Lycus (modern Curuk-su) there was one in
(modern Kum Cayi)
and one in
2 Herodotus Histories
7.30.
3
"Sepharad" in Ob. 20, like Akkadian Sapardu and Old Persian Sfarda, is
probably an approximation to the Lydian name of the
city.
4
Josephus The Antiquities of the Jews 12.119.
5
Ibid., 12.125.
6
Ibid., 12.149.
7
M. Rostovtzeff, Social
and Economic History of the Hellenistic World (
The
Letter of Antiochus III to Zeuxis regarding the
Establishment of Jewish
Military
Colonies in Phrygia and
289-318.
(He dates the letter between 212 and 205 B.C.)
8
Polybius History 5.45ff.
9
Ibid., 12.1, 24; 21.16, 24.
10
11 Pro Flacco 68. See A. J. Marshall, "Flaccus
and the Jews of Asia (Pro .Flacco
28.67-69),"
12
Josephus The Antiquities of the Jews 16.162-63;
Philo, Legation to Gaius
155-57.
14
Bibliotheca Sacra—January-March 1984
13
Josephus The Antiquities of the Jews 16.27-65.
14
Ibid., 14.241-43.
15
Ibid., 16.162-65. On this whole matter see E. M.
Smallwood, The Jews under
Roman Rule (Leiden:
E. J. Brill, 1975), pp. 120-43.
16
Josephus The Antiquities of the Jews 12.121.
17
Josephus The Jewish Wars 7.100-111. Also see
Smallwood, The Jews under
Roman Rule, pp. 358-68.
18
Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum,
vol. 2, ed. J. B. Frey (
Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1952), no. 774.
19
William M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics
of Phrygia (
versity Press, 1897), 2:538,
669.
20
Corpus Inscriptionum
Judaicarum, no. 760; Monumenta Asiae Minoris
Antiqua, vol. 6, eds. W. H.
Buckler and W. M. Calder (
University Press, 1939), nos. 335, 335a.
21 Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum, no.
775.
22
But there is evidence that the title of a]rxisuna<gwgoj could be held by a
Gentile,
the president of a non-Jewish assembly (see New
Documents Illustrating
Early Christianity. ed.
G. H. R. Horsley [North
History
Documentary Research Centre,
23 Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum, no.
766.
24 Ramsay, Cities
and Bishoprics of
25
Cf. Smallwood, The Jews under Roman Rule, p. 479. In Corpus Inscrip-
tionum Graecarum, vol. 3, ed. A. Boeckh (Berlin: Reimer, 1853), no. 4033, one
member of the family from
of kings and tetrarchs."
26
Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of
27 Ibid.
28
Ibid., 2:669-72.
29
Luke's list of places differs sufficiently from similar lists which have been
compared to his to suggest that he did not take
it over as such from some literary
source (astrological or otherwise) but was himself
responsible for the selection (see
Bruce
M. Metzger, "Ancient Astrological Geography and Acts 2:9-11," New
Testament Studies [
30 Xenophon Anabasis 1.2.19.
31
See William M. Ramsay, The Church in the
(London:
Hodder and Stoughton, 1897), p. 94. It is less likely
that "the upper
parts" should be taken as resumptive
of "the Galatian region and
through which Paul is said to have passed on his
westward journey in Acts 18:23.
32
It has sometimes been inferred from Polycarp's Letter
to the Philippians
(11:3)
that the gospel first came to
4:15.
But more probably, when Polycarp said, "we [the Smyrnaeans] had not yet
known God," he referred not to the time when
Paul's Epistle to the Philippians was
written but to the time when
hesitation in dating the origin of the Christian
church in
within the period 53-56" (C. J. Cadoux, Ancient
Smyrna [
1938],
p. 310.
33 Cf. G. Weber. "Die Hochdruck-Wasserleitung von Laodicea
ad Lycum," Jahr-
buch des kaiserlich-deutschen archaologischen Institute 13 (1898): 1-13; 19
(1904):95-96;
M. J. S. Rudwick and E. M. B. Green, "The Laodicean Lukewarm-
ness," Expository
Times 69 (1957-58):176-78.
34
C. P. Anderson suggested that Epaphras was the author
("Who Wrote 'The
Epistle from
of Paul," Studies
in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 5 [1975–761:
258-66).
Jews and Christians in the
35
It is no disparagement of a scholarly work to remark that John Knox's
Philemon among the
Letters of Paul
(London: Collins, 1960) gives evidence of
such endowment.
36
Eusebius Ecclesiastical History
3.31.2-5; 3.39.9; 5.24.2, quoting Polycrates
of
37
An inscription of
archdeacon and president of the holy and glorious
apostle and divine, Philip" (E.
A.
Gardner, "Inscriptions Copied by [C. R.1 Cockerell
in
Hellenic Studies 6 [
18851: 346; Ramsay. Cities and
Bishoprics of
2:552).
38 Eusebius Ecclesiastical
History 2.15.2; 3.36.2; 3.39.1-17.
39
John migrated to
his family; his residence at
Irenaeus of Lyons (Against Heresies 3.1.2) and Polycrates (Eusebius EccIesiasti-
cal History 3.31.3; 5.24.2). In the so-called anti-Marcionite prologue to the Gospel
of John, Papias appears
to be called "John's dear disciple." Irenaeus
affirms that
Papias was a disciple of John (Against Heresies
5.33.4); Eusebius virtually denies
it (Ecclesiastical
History 3.39.2).
40
Eusebius Ecclesiastical History
3.39.13; but see J. R. Harris, Testimonies
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1916),
1:119-20.
41 Eusebius Ecclesiastical
History 4.26.1; 4.27.1; 5.5.4; 5.16.1; 5.19.1-2.
42
Ibid., 5.3.4; 5.16.1–5.18.13.
43
Cities and Bishoprics of
1 :215. Michael is called archistrategos in both Greek
versions of Daniel 8:11 and
in several Greek apocrypha.
44
The Church in the
45
Ibid., 465-80.
46
Ignatius, To the Ephesians 1:3 et passim.
47
J. des Gagniers et al., Laodicee du Lycos, Le Nymphee,
Campagnes 1961–
1963, Universite
Laval Recherches Archeologiques,
Serie I (
de l'Universite
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