"OF PLIMOTH
FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT.
WITH A
REPORT OF THE PROCEEDINGS INCIDENT TO THE RETURN OF THE
MANUSCRIPT TO
PRINTED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE SECRETARY
OF THE
COMMONWEALTH,
BY ORDER OF THE GENERAL COURT.
Electronic
Version Prepared by
Dr. Ted
Hildebrandt
March
1, 2002
WRIGHT
& POTTER PRINTING CO., STATE PRINTERS,
1898.
INTRODUCTION.
To many people the return of the Bradford
Manu-
script is a
fresh discovery of colonial history. By
very
many it has
been called, incorrectly, the log of the
"Mayflower." Indeed, that is the title by which it is
described in
the decree of the Consistorial Court of
ford
undertook its preparation long after the arrival
of the
Pilgrims, and it cannot be properly considered
as in any
sense a log or daily journal of the voyage
of the"
Mayflower ." It is, in point of fact, a history
of the
Plymouth Colony, chiefly in the form of annals,
extending
from the inception of the colony down to
the year
1647. The matter has been in print since
1856, put
forth through the public spirit of the Mas-
sachusetts
Historical Society, which secured a tran-
script of
the document from
in the
society's proceedings of the above-named year.
As thus
presented, it had copious notes, prepared with
great care
by the late Charles Deane; but these are
not given in
the present volume, wherein only such
comments as
seem indispensable to a proper under-
standing of
the story have been made, leaving what-
iv
ever
elaboration may seem desirable to some future
private
enterprise.
It is a matter of regret that no picture
of Governor
flower
Company left an authenticated portrait of him-
self, and
that, painted in
this
volume. In those early days
have been a
poor field for portrait painters. The
people were
struggling for their daily bread rather
than for
to-morrow's fame through the transmission
of their
features to posterity.
The volume of the original manuscript, as
it was
presented to
the Governor of the Commonwealth and
is now
deposited in the State Library, is a folio
measuring
eleven and one-half inches in length, seven
and
seven-eighths inches in width and one and one-half
inches in
thickness. It is bound in parchment,
once
white, but
now grimy and much the worse for wear,
being
somewhat cracked and considerably scaled.
Much
scribbling,
evidently by the
upon its
surface, and out of the confusion may
be read the
name of Mercy Bradford, a daughter of the
governor. On the inside of the front cover is
pasted a
sheet of manilla paper, on which is written
the
following: --
"
Consistory Court of the Diocese of
In the matter of the application of The
Honorable
Thomas
Francis Bayard, Ambassador Extraordinary
and
Plenipotentiary
INTRODUCTION. v
in
him, on
behalf of the President and Citizens of the said States,
of the
original manuscript book entitled and known as The Log
of the
Mayflower.
Produced in Court this 25th day of March,
1897, and marked
with the
letter A.
HARRY
W. LEE
Registrar.
Doctors Commons"
Then come two manilla leaves, on both sides
of
which is
written the decree of the
These leaves
and the manilla sheet pasted on the in-
side of the
front cover were evidently inserted after
the decree
was passed.
Next comes a leaf (apparently the original
first leaf
of the
book), and on it are verses, signed "A. M."
on the death
of Mrs. Bradford. The next is evidently
one of the
leaves of the original book. At the top
of the page
is written the following: --
This book was rit by govener William
bradford and given
to his son
mager William Bradford and by him to his son mager
John
Bradford. rit by me Samuel brad ford
mach 20, 1705
At the bottom of the same page the name
John
written with
the book turned wrong side up.
vi
The next is
a leaf bearing the following, in the
handwriting
of Thomas Prince: --
TUESDAY, June 4--1728
Calling at Major John Bradford's at
son of Major
Wm. Bradford formerly Dep Gov'r of Plimouth
Colony, who
was eldest son of Wm. Bradford Esq their 2nd
Gov'r, &
author of this History; ye sd Major John Bradford
gave me
several manuscript octavoes wh he assured me were
written with
his said Grandfather Gov'r Bradford's own hand.
He also gave
me a little Pencil Book wrote with a Blew lead
Pencil by
his sd Father ye Dep Gov'r. And He also
told me
yt He had
lent & only lent his sd Grandfather Gov'r Brad-
ford's
History of Plimouth Colony wrote by his own Hand also,
to judg
Sewall; and desired me to get it of Him or find it out,
& take
out of it what I thought proper for my New-England
Chronology:
wh I accordingly obtained, and This is ye sd His-
tory: wh I
found wrote in ye same Handwriting as ye Octavo
manuscripts
above sd.
THOMAS PRINCE.
N. B. I also mentioned to him my Desire of
lodging this History
in ye New
England Library of Prints & manuscripts, wh I had been
then
collecting for 23 years, to wh He signified his willingness -only
yt He might
have ye Perusal of it while He lived.
T. PRINCE.
Following
this, on the same page, is Thomas Prince's
printed
book-mark, as follows: --
This Book belongs to
The New-England-Library,
Begun to be collected by Thomas Prince,
upon
his entring Harvard-College, July 6
1703; and was given by
INTRODUCTION. vii
On the lower
part of a blank space which follows
the word
"by" is written: --
It now belongs to the Bishop of
There are
evidences that this leaf did not belong to
the original
book, but was inserted by Mr. Prince.
At the top of the first page of the next
leaf, which
was
evidently one of the original leaves of the book,
is written
in Samuel Bradford's hand, "march 20
Samuel
Bradford;" and just below there appears, in
Thomas
Prince's handwriting, the following: --
But major
this Book of
his Grandfather's to Mr. Sewall & that it being of
his
Grandfather's own hand writing He had so high a value of
it that he
would never Part with ye Property, but would lend
it to me
& desired me to get it, which I did, & write down this
that sd
Major Bradford and his Heirs may be known to be the
right
owners.
Below this, also in Thomas Prince's
handwriting,
appears this
line: --
"Page
243 missing when ye Book came into my Hands at 1st."
Just above
the inscription by Prince there is a line
or two of
writing, marked over in ink so carefully as
to be wholly
undecipherable. On the reverse page
of
this leaf
and on the first page of the next are written
Hebrew
words, with definitions. These are all in Gov-
viii
ernor
pears the
following:--
Though I am growne aged, yet I have had a
long-
ing desire, to see with my own eyes,
something of
that most ancient language, and holy
tongue,
in which the Law, and oracles of God were
write; and in which God, and angels, spake
to
the holy patriarks, of old time; and what
names were given to things, from the
creation.
And though I canot attaine
to much herein, yet I am refreshed,
to have seen some glimpse here-
of; (as Moses saw the Land
of canan afarr of) my aime
and desire is, to see how
the words, and phrases
lye in the holy texte;
and to dicerne some-
what of the same
for my owne
contente.
J
Then begins the history proper, the first
page of
which is
produced in facsimile in this volume, slightly
reduced. The ruled margins end with page thirteen.
From that
page to the end of the book the writing
varies
considerably, sometimes being quite coarse and
in other
places very fine, some pages containing nearly
a thousand
words each. As a rule, the writing is
upon one
side of the sheet only, but in entering notes
and
subsequent thoughts the reverse is sometimes used.
The last
page number is 270, as appears from the
facsimile
reproduction in this volume of that page.
Page 270 is
followed by two blank leaves; then on
INTRODUCTION. ix
the second
page of the next leaf appears the list of
names of
those who came over in the "Mayflower,"
covering
four pages and one column on the fifth page.
The
arrangement of this matter is shown by the fac-
simile
reproduction in this volume of the first page
of these
names. Last of all there is a leaf of
heavy
double
paper, like the one in the front of the book
containing
the verses on the death of Mrs. Bradford,
and on this
last leaf is written an index to a few por-
tions of the
history.
For copy, there was used the edition
printed in
1856 by the
proof was
carefully compared, word for word, with
the
photographic facsimile issued in 1896 in both
evident in
that a total of sixteen lines of the original,
omitted in
the original first copy, is supplied in this
edition. As the work of the Historical Society could
not be
compared, easily, with the original manu-
script in
errors in
word and numeral, are not unreasonable.
The curious
will be pleased to learn that the sup-
plied lines
are from the following pages of the man-
uscript,
viz.: page 122, eight lines; page 129, two
lines; the
obverse of page 201, found on the last
page of
Appendix A, two lines; page 219, two
x
lines; pages
239 and 258, one line each. The pages
of the
manuscript are indicated in these printed pages
by numerals
in parentheses.
There are several errors in the paging of
the origi-
nal
manuscript. Pages 105 and 106 are marked
145
and 146, and
pages 219 and 220 are marked 119 and
120,
respectively. Page 243 is missing.
Such as it is, the book is put forth that
the public
may know
what manner of men the Pilgrims were,
through what
perils and vicissitudes they passed, and
how much we
of to-day owe to their devotion and
determination.
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
LEGISLATURE.
xi
JOURNAL
OF THE SENATE.
MONDAY, MAY 24, 1897.
The
following message from His Excellency the Gov-
ernor came
up from the House, to wit: --
To the
Honorable Senate and House of Representatives.
I have the
honor to call to your attention the fact that
Wednesday,
May 26, at 11 A.M., has been fixed as the date of
the formal
presentation to the Governor of the Commonwealth
of the
Bradford Manuscript History, recently ordered by decree
of the
Consistory Court of .the Diocese of London to be returned
to the
Honorable
Thomas F. Bayard, lately Ambassador at the Court
of St.
James; and to suggest for the favorable consideration
of your
honorable bodies that the exercises of presentation be
held in the
House of Representatives on the day and hour above
given, in
the presence of a joint convention of the two bodies
and of
invited guests and the public.
ROGER WOLCOTT.
Thereupon, on motion of Mr. Roe, --
Ordered, That, in accordance with
the suggestion of
His
Excellency the Governor, a joint convention of
the two
branches be held in the chamber of the House
xiii
xiv
of
Representatives, on Wednesday, May the twenty-
sixth, at
eleven o'clock A.M., for the purpose of wit-
nessing the
exercises of the formal presentation, to
the Governor
of the Commonwealth, of the
Manuscript
History, recently ordered by decree of
the
Consistory Court of the Diocese of London to be
returned to
the
the hands of
the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard, lately
Ambassador
at the Court of St. James; and further
Ordered, That the clerks of the
two branches give
notice to
His Excellency the Governor of the adop-
tion of this
order.
Sent down for concurrence. (It was concurred with
same date.)
PROCEEDINGS OF THE LEGISLATURE. xv
JOURNAL
OF THE SENATE.
WEDNESDAY, MAY 26, 1891.
Joint Convention.
At eleven o'clock A.M., pursuant to
assignment, the
two branches
met in
CONVENTION
in the
chamber of the House of Representatives.
On motion of Mr. Roe, --
Ordered, That a committee, to
consist of three mem-
bers of the
Senate and eight members of the House
of
Representatives, be appointed, to wait upon His
Excellency
the Governor and inform him that the two
branches are
now in convention for the purpose of
witnessing
the exercises of the formal presentation, to
the Governor
of the Commonwealth, of the
Manuscript
History.
Messrs. Roe, Woodward and Gallivan, of the
Senate,
and Messrs.
Pierce of Milton, Bailey of
Brown of
Newbury,
Sanderson of
xvi
and Bartlett
of Boston, of the House, were appointed
the
committee:
Mr. Roe, from the committee, afterwards
reported
that they
had attended to the duty assigned them, and
that His
Excellency the Governor had been pleased
to say that
he received the message and should be
pleased to
wait upon the Convention forthwith for the
purpose
named.
His Excellency the Governor, accompanied by
His
Honor the
Lieutenant-Governor and the Honorable
Council, and
by the Honorable Thomas F. Bayard,
lately
Ambassador of the
of St.
James's, the Honorable George F. Hoar, Sena-
tor from
States, and
other invited guests, entered the chamber.
The decree of the Consistorial and
Episcopal Court
of
and its
delivery to the Governor, was read.
The President then presented the Honorable
George
F. Hoar, who
gave an account of the manuscript and
of the many
efforts that had been made to secure its
return.
The Honorable Thomas F. Bayard was then
intro-
duced by the
President, and he formally presented
the
manuscript to His Excellency the Governor, who
accepted it
in behalf of the Commonwealth.
On motion of Mr. Bradford, the following
order
was adopted:
--
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE LEGISLATURE. xvii
Whereas, In the presence of the
Senate and of the
House of
Representatives in joint convention assembled,
and in
accordance with a decree of the Consistorial and
Episcopal
Court of London, the manuscript of Brad-
ford's
"History of the Plimouth Plantation" has this
day been
delivered to His Excellency the Governor
of the
Commonwealth by the Honorable Thomas F.
Bayard,
lately Ambassador of the
Court of St.
James's; and
Whereas, His Excellency the
Governor has accepted
the said
manuscript in behalf of the Commonwealth;
therefore,
be it
Ordered, That the Senate and the
House of Repre-
sentatives
of the
on record
their high appreciation of the generous and
gracious
courtesy that prompted this act of inter-
national
good-will, and express their grateful thanks
to all
concerned therein, and especially to the Lord
Bishop of
London, for the return to the Common-
wealth of
this precious relic; and be it further
Ordered, That His Excellency the
Governor be re-
quested to
transmit an engrossed and duly authenti-
cated copy
of this order with its preamble to the
Lord Bishop
of
His Excellency, accompanied by the other
dignita-
ries, then
withdrew, the Convention was dissolved,
and the
Senate returned to its chamber.
Subsequently a resolve was passed
(approved June
xviii
10, 1897)
providing for the publication of the history
from the
original manuscript, together with a report
of the
proceedings of the joint convention, such report
to be prepared
by a committee consisting of one mem-
ber of the
Senate and two members of the House of
Representatives,
and to include, so far as practicable,
portraits of
His Excellency Governor Roger Wolcott,
William
Bradford, the Honorable George F. Hoar, the
Honorable
Thomas F. Bayard, the Archbishop of Can-
terbury and
the Lord Bishop of
of pages
from the manuscript history, and a picture
of the book
itself; copies of the decree of the Con-
sistorial
and Episcopal Court of London, the receipt
of the
Honorable Thomas F. Bayard for the manu-
script, and
the receipt sent by His Excellency the
Governor to
the Consistorial and Episcopal Court; an
account of
the legislative action taken with reference
to the
presentation and reception of the manuscript;
the
addresses of the Honorable George F. Hoar, the
Honorable
Thomas F. Bayard and His Excellency
Governor
Roger Wolcott; and such other papers and
illustrations
as the committee might deem advisable; the
whole to be
printed under the direction of the Secre-
tary of the
Commonwealth, and the book distributed by
him
according to directions contained in the resolve.
Senator Alfred S. Roe of Worcester and
Represent-
atives
Francis C. Lowell of
Bouve of
Hingham were appointed as the committee.
DECREE
OF THE
CONSISTORIAL AND EPISCOPAL
COURT OF LONDON.
xix
DECREE.
MANDELL by Divine Permission
LORD BISHOP OF
The Honorable
ARD Ambassador
Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary to
Her Most Gracious
Majesty
Queen Victoria at the Court of Saint James's
in
of
Greeting --
WHEREAS a Petition has been filed in
the Registry
of Our Consistorial and Episcopal Court
of
Bayard as
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipoten-
tiary to Her
Most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria
at the Court
of Saint James's in
of the
President and Citizens of the
Our Custody
as Lord Bishop of
Manuscript
Book known as and entitled "The Log
of the
Mayflower" containing an account as narrated
by Captain
William Bradford who was one of the
Company of
Englishmen who left
1620 in the
ship known as "The Mayflower" of
the circumstances
leading to the prior Settlement of
xxi
xxii
that Company
at Leyden in
their
landing at
Settlement
at New Plymouth and their later history
for several
years they being the Company whose Set-
tlement in
nisation of
the New England States and wherein you
have also
alleged that the said Manuscript Book had
been for
many years past and was then deposited in
the Library
attached to Our Episcopal Palace at Ful-
ham in the
est interest
importance and value to the Citizens of
the
of the earliest
records of their national History and
contains
much valuable information in regard to the
original
Settlers in the States their family history and
antecedents
and that therefore you earnestly desired
to acquire
possession of the same for and on behalf
of the
President and Citizens of the said
of America
AND WHEREIN you have also alleged
that you are
informed that We as Lord Bishop of
of the said
Manuscript Book to the Citizens of the
United
States of
have to its
possession and that We were desirous of
transferring
it to the said President and Citizens
AND WHEREIN
you have also alleged that you are
advised and
believe that the Custody of documents in
CONSISTORIAL
DECREE. xxiii
the nature
of public or ecclesiastical records belong-
ing to the
See of London is vested in the Consis-
torial Court
of the said See and that any disposal
thereof must
be authorised by an Order issued by the
Judge of
that Honorable Court And that you there-
fore humbly
prayed that the said Honorable Court
would
deliver to you the said Manuscript Book on
your
undertaking to use every means in your power
for the safe
transmission of the said Book to the
custody in
the Pilgrim Hall at New Plymouth or in
such other
place as may be selected by the President
and Senate
of the said
conditions
as to security and access by and on behalf
of the
English Nation as that Honorable Court might
determine
AND WHEREAS the said Petition was set
down for
hearing on one of the Court days in Hilary
Term to Wit
Thursday the Twenty fifth day of March
One thousand
eight hundred and ninety seven in Our
Consistorial
Court in the
Paul in
Hutchinson
Tristram Doctor of Laws and one of Her
Majesty's
Counsel learned in the Law Our Vicar Gen-
eral and
Official Principal the Judge of the said Court
and you at
the sitting of the said Court appeared by
Counsel in
support of the Prayer of the said Petition
and during
the hearing thereof the said Manuscript
Book was
produced in the said Court by Our legal
xxiv
Secretary
and was then inspected and examined by
the aid
Judge and evidence was also given before
the Court by
which it appeared that the Registry at
and
Ecclesiastical Documents relating to the Diocese
of
of
remained by
custom within the said Diocese AND
WHEREAS it
appeared on the face of the said Man-
uscript Book
that the whole of the body thereof with
the
exception of part of the last page thereof was in
the
handwriting of the said William Bradford who
was elected
Governor of New Plymouth in April
1621 and
continued Governor thereof from that date
excepting
between the years 1635 and 1637 up to
1650 and
that the last five pages of the said Manu-
script which
is in the hand writing of the said Wil-
liam
Register
between 1620 and 1650 of the fact of the
Marriages of
the Founders of the Colony of New
and the
names of their Children the lawful issue of
such
Marriages and of the fact of the Marriages of
many of
their Children and Grandchildren and of the
names of the
issue of such marriages and of the
deaths of
many of the persons named therein And
after
hearing Counsel in support of the said applica-
tion the
Judge being of opinion that the said Manu-
CONSISTORIAL DECREE. xxv
script Book
had been upon the evidence before the
Court presumably
deposited at
time between
the year 1729 and the year 1785 during
which time
the said Colony was by custom within the
Diocese of
Registry of
the said
mate
Registry for the Custody of Registers of Mar-
riages
Births and Deaths within the said Colony and
that the
Registry at
for
Historical and other Documents connected with
the Colonies
and possessions of
the Seas so
long as the same remained by custom
within the
Diocese of
laration of
the
within the
Diocese of
Court had
ceased to be a public registry for the said
Colony and
having maturely deliberated on the Cases
precedents
and practice of the
bearing on
the application before him and having
regard to
the Special Circumstances of the Case De-
creed as
follows -- (1) That a Photographic facsimile
reproduction
of the said Manuscript Book verified by
affidavit as
being a true and correct Photographic re-
production
of the said Manuscript Book be deposited
in the
Registry of Our said Court by or on behalf
of the
Petitioner before the delivery to the Petitioner
of the said
original Manuscript Book as hereinafter
xxvi
ordered --
(2) That the said Manuscript Book be
delivered
over to the said Honorable Thomas Francis
Bayard by
the Lord Bishop of
Lordship's
absence by the Registrar of the said Court
on his
giving his undertaking in writing that he will
with all due
care and diligence on his arrival from
person the
said Manuscript Book to the Governor
of the
States of
House in the
City of
of the
delivery of the said Book to him by the said
Lord Bishop
of
he shall
have delivered the same to the Governor of
sonal
custody -- (3) That the said Book be deposited
by the
Petitioner with the Governor of
for the
purpose of the same being with all convenient
speed
finally deposited either in the State Archives of
the
of the said
Commonwealth in the City of
the Governor
shall determine -- ( 4) That the Gov-
ernors of
the said Commonwealth for all time to
come be
officially responsible for the safe custody
of the said
Manuscript Book whether the same be
deposited in
the State Archives at
Historical
Library in
CONSISTORIAL DECREE. xxvii
the
performance of the following conditions subject to
a compliance
wherewith the said Manuscript Book is
hereby
decreed to be deposited in the Custody of the
aforesaid
Governor of the
chusetts and
his Successors to wit: -- (a) That all
persons have
such access to the said Manuscript Book
as to the
Governor of the said Commonwealth for the
time being
shall appear to be reasonable and with such
safeguard as
he shall order -- (b) That all persons
desirous of
searching the said Manuscript Book for
the bona
fide purpose of establishing or tracing a
Pedigree
through persons named in the last five pages
thereof or
in any other part thereof shall be per-
mitted to
search the same under such safeguards as
the Governor
for the time being shall determine on
payment of a
fee to be fixed by the Governor --
( c) That
any person applying to the Official having
the
immediate custody of the said Manuscript Book
for a
Certified Copy of any entry contained in proof of
Marriage
Birth or Death of persons named therein
or of any
other matter of like purport for the pur-
pose of
tracing descents shall be furnished with such
certificate
on the payment of a sum not exceeding one
Dollar --
(d) That with all convenient speed after
the delivery
of the said Manuscript Book to the Gov-
ernor of the
ernor shall
transmit to the Registrar of the Court a
Certificate
of the delivery of the same to him by
xxviii
the
Petitioner and that he accepts the Custody of
the same
subject to the terms and conditions herein
named AND
the Judge lastly decreed that the Peti-
tioner on
delivering the said Manuscript Book to the
Governor
aforesaid shall at the same time deliver to
him this Our
Decree Sealed with the Seal of the
Court
WHEREFORE WE the Bishop of
aforesaid
well weighing and considering the premises
DO by virtue
of Our Authority Ordinary and Epis-
copal and as
far as in Us lies and by Law We may
or can
ratify and confirm such Decree of Our Vicar
General and
Official Principal of Our Consistorial and
Episcopal
Court of London IN TESTIMONY whereof
We have
caused the Seal of Our said Vicar General
and Official
Principal of the Consistorial and Episco-
pal Court of
London which We use in this behalf to
be affixed
to these Presents DATED AT LONDON
this Twelfth
day of April One thousand eight hun-
dred and
ninety seven and in the first year of Our
Translation.
HARRY W. LEE
Exd. H.E.T. Registrar
(L. S.)
RECEIPT
OF
AMBASSADOR
BAYARD.
xxix
RECEIPT OF
AMBASSADOR BAYARD.
In the
Consistory Court of London ;
IN THE MATTER OF THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT
OF THE BOOK ENTITLED AND KNOWN AS "THE
LOG OF THE MAYFLOWER."
I THE HONOURABLE
THOMAS FRANCIS BAYARD
lately
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary
of the
Saint James's
London Do hereby undertake, in com-
pliance with
the Order of this Honourable Court
dated the
twelfth day of April 1897 and made on
my Petition
filed in the said Honourable Court, that
I will with
all due care and diligence on my arrival
from
convey over
the Original Manuscript Book Known
as and
entitled" The Log of the Mayflower" which
has been
this twenty ninth day of April 1897 deliv-
ered over to
me by the Lord Bishop of
the City of
and on my
arrival in the said City deliver the same
over in
person to the Governor of the Common-
wealth of
State House
in the said City of
ther hereby undertake
from the time of the said
xxxi
xxxii PLUMOUTH
delivery of
the said Book to me by the said Lord
Bishop of
London until I shall have delivered the
same to the
Governor of Massachusetts, to retain
the same in
my own personal custody.
(Signed) T.
F. BAYARD
29 April
1897
RECEIPT
OF
HIS
EXCELLENCY ROGER WOLCOTT.
xxxiii
RECEIPT OF
GOVERNOR WOLCOTT.
His
Excellency ROGER WOLCOTT, Governor of the Commonwealth
of
To the
Registrar of the Consistorial and Episcopal Court of London.
Whereas, The said Honorable Court,
by its decree
dated the
twelfth day of April, 1897, and made on
the petition
of the Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard,
lately
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary
of the
Saint James
in
original
manuscript book then in the custody of the
Lord Bishop
of
"The
Log of the Mayflower," and more specifically
described in
said decree, should be delivered over to
the said
Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard by the
Lord Bishop
of
ified in
said decree, to be delivered by the said
Honorable
Thomas Francis Bayard in person to the
Governor of
the
thereafter
to be kept in the custody of the aforesaid
Governor of
the
his
successors, subject to a compliance with certain
conditions,
as set forth in said decree;
And Whereas, The said Honorable
Court by its
decree
aforesaid did further order that, with all con-
venient
speed after the delivery of the said manuscript
book to the
Governor of the
xxxv
xxxvi
chusetts,
the Governor should transmit to the Regis-
trar of the
said Honorable Court a certificate of the
delivery of
the same to him by the said Honorable
Thomas
Francis Bayard, and his acceptance of the
custody of
the same, subject to the terms and con-
ditions
named in the decree aforesaid;
Now, Therefore, In compliance with
the decree
aforesaid I
do hereby certify that on the twenty-sixth
day of May,
1897, the said Honorable Thomas Francis
Bayard
delivered in person to me, at my official
office in
the State House in the city of
the
States of
America, a certain manuscript book which
the said
Honorable Thomas Francis Bayard then and
there
declared to be the original manuscript book
known as and
entitled "The Log of the Mayflower,"
which is
more specifically described in the decree
aforesaid;
and I do further certify that I hereby
accept the
custody of the same, subject to the terms
and
conditions named in the decree aforesaid.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto
signed my
name and
caused the seal of the Commonwealth to
be affixed,
at the Capitol in
of July in
the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and
ninety-seven.
ROGER WOLCOTT.
By His
Excellency the Governor,
WM. M. OLIN,
Secretary of the Commonwealth.
ADDRESS
OF THE
HON. GEORGE F. HOAR.
xxxvii
ADDRESS
OF SENATOR HOAR.
The first
American Ambassador to
the end of
his official service, comes to
on an
interesting errand. He comes to deliver
to the
lineal
successor of Governor Bradford, in the presence
of the
representatives and rulers of the body politic
formed by
the compact on board the "Mayflower,"
Nov. 11,
1620, the only authentic history of the
founding of
their Commonwealth; the only authentic
history of
what we have a right to consider the most
important
political transaction that has ever taken
place on the
face of the earth.
Mr. Bayard has sought to represent to the
mother
country, not
so much the diplomacy as the good-will
of the
American people. If in this anybody be
tempted to
judge him severely, let us remember
what his
great predecessor, John Adams, the first
minister at
the same court, representing more than
any other
man, embodying more than any other man,
the spirit
of
the first
day of June, 1785, after the close of our
long and
bitter struggle for independence:
"I shall
esteem
myself the happiest of men if I can be instru-
xxxix
xl
mental in
restoring an entire esteem, confidence and
affection,
or, in better words, the old good-nature
and the old
good-humor between people who, though
separated by
an ocean and under different govern-
ments, have
the same language a similar religion
and kindred
blood."
And let us remember, too, the answer of
the old
monarch,
who, with all his faults, must have had
something of
a noble and royal nature stirring in his
bosom, when
he replied: "Let the circumstances of
language,
religion and blood have their natural and
full
effect."
It has long been well known that Governor
Brad-
ford wrote
and left behind him a history of the
settlement
of
chroniclers. There are extracts from it in the rec-
ords at
compiled his
annals. Hubbard depended on it when
he wrote his
"History of New England."
Cotton
Mather had
read it, or a copy of a portion of it;
when he
wrote his "Magnalia." Governor
Hutchin-
son had it
when he published the second volume of
his history
in 1767. From that time it disappeared
from the
knowledge of everybody on this side of the
water. All our historians speak of it as lost, and
can
only guess
what had been its fate. Some persons
sus-
pected that
it was destroyed when Governor Hutchin-
son's house
was sacked in 1765, others that it was
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. xli
carried off
by some officer or soldier when
was
evacuated by the British army in 1776.
In 1844 Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of
afterward
Bishop of Winchester, one of the brightest
of men,
published one of the dullest and stupidest of
books. It is entitled "The History of the
Protestant
Episcopal
Church in
from
manuscripts which he said he had discovered in
the library
of the Bishop of London at Fulham. The
book
attracted no attention here until, about twelve
years later,
in 1855, John Wingate Thornton, whom
many of us
remember as an accomplished antiquary
and a
delightful gentleman, happened to pick up a
copy of it
while he was lounging in Burnham's book
store. He read the bishop's quotations, and carried
the book to
his office, where he left it for his friend,
Mr. Barry,
who was then writing his "History
of
note which
is not preserved, but which, according
to his
memory, suggested that the passages must have
come from
claim for
Mr. Thornton. On the other hand, it is
claimed by
Mr. Barry that there was nothing of that
kind
expressed in Mr. Thornton's note, but in read-
ing the book
when he got it an hour or so later,
the thought
struck him for the first time that the
clew had
been found to the precious book which
had been
lost so long. He at once repaired to
Charles
xlii
Deane, then
and ever since, down to his death, as
President
Eliot felicitously styled him, "the master of
historical
investigators in this "country."
Mr. Deane
saw the
importance of the discovery. He communi-
cated at
once with Joseph Hunter, an eminent English
scholar. Hunter was high authority on all matters
connected
with the settlement of
visited the
palace at Fulham, and established beyond
question the
identity of the manuscript with Governor
ford having
been sent over for comparison of hand-
writing.
How the manuscript got to Fulham nobody
knows.
Whether it
was carried over by Governor Hutchin-
son in 1774;
whether it was taken as spoil from the
tower of the
with other
manuscripts, it was sent to Fulham at the
time of the
attempts of the Episcopal churches in
episcopate
here, -- nobody knows. It would seem
that
office; that
an officer would naturally have sent it to
the war
office; and a private would have sent it to
the war
office, unless he had carried it off as mere
private
booty and plunder, -- in which case it would
have been
unlikely that it would have reached a pub-
lic place of
custody. But we find it in the posses-
sion of the
church and of the church official having,
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. xliii
until
independence was declared, special jurisdiction
over
Episcopal interests in
outh. This may seem to point to a transfer for some
ecclesiastical
purpose.
The bishop's chancellor conjectures that
it was sent
to Fulham
because of the record annexed to it of
the early
births, marriages and deaths, such records
being in
But this is
merely conjecture.
I know of no incident like this in
history, unless
it be the
discovery in a chest in the castle of
dred and
eleven years, of the ancient regalia of Scot-
land, -- the
crown of Bruce, the sceptre and sword
of
state. The lovers of Walter Scott, who
was one
of the
commissioners who made the search, remem-
ber his
intense emotion, as described by his daughter,
when the lid
was removed. Her feelings were worked
up to such a
pitch that she nearly fainted, and drew
back from
the circle.
As she was retiring she was startled by
his voice
exclaiming,
in a tone of the deepest emotion, "some-
thing
between anger and despair," as she expressed
it: "By God, no!" One of the commissioners, not
quite
entering into the solemnity with which Scott
regarded
this business, had, it seems, made a sort
of motion as
if he meant to put the crown on the
head of one
of the young ladies near him, but the
xliv
voice and
the aspect of the poet were more than
sufficient
to make this worthy gentleman understand
his error;
and, respecting the enthusiasm with which
he had not
been taught to sympathize, he laid down
the ancient
diadem with an air of painful embar-
rassment. Scott whispered, "Pray forgive me,"
and
turning
round at the moment observed his daughter
deadly pale
and leaning by the door. He immedi-
ately drew
her out of the room, and when she had
somewhat
recovered in the fresh air, walked with
her across
Mound to
spoke all
the way home," she says, "but every
now and then
I felt his arm tremble, and from that
time I
fancied he began to treat me more like a
woman than a
child. I thought he liked me better,
too, than he
had ever done before."
There have been several attempts to
procure the
return of
the manuscript to this country. Mr. Win-
throp, in
1860, through the venerable John Sinclair,
archdeacon,
urged the Bishop of London to give it
up, and proposed
that the Prince of Wales, then just
coming to
this country, should take it across the
Atlantic and
present it to the people of Massachu-
setts. The Attorney-General, Sir Fitzroy Kelley, ap-
proved the
plan, and said it would be an exceptional
act of
grace, a most interesting action, and that he
heartily
wished the success of the application. But
the bishop
refused. Again, in 1869, John Lothrop
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. xlv
Motley, then
minister to England, who had a great
and deserved
influence there, repeated the proposi-
tion, at the
suggestion of that most accomplished
scholar,
Justin Winsor. But his appeal had the
same
fate. The bishop gave no encouragement, and said,
as had been
said nine years before, that the prop-
erty could
not be alienated without an act of Par-
liament. Mr. Winsor planned to repeat the attempt
on his visit
to England in 1877. When he was at
Fulham the
bishop was absent, and he was obliged
to come home
without seeing him in person.
In 1881, at the time of the death of
President
Garfield,
Benjamin Scott, chamberlain of London, pro-
posed again
in the newspapers that the restitution
should be
made. But nothing came or it.
Dec. 21, 1895, I delivered an address at
Plymouth,
on the occasion
of the two hundred and seventy-fifth
anniversary
of the landing of the Pilgrims upon the
rock. In preparing for that duty, I read again,
with
renewed
enthusiasm and delight, the noble and touch-
ing story,
as told by Governor Bradford. I felt
that
his precious
history of the Pilgrims ought to be in
no other
custody than that of their children. But
the case
seemed hopeless. I found myself
compelled
by a serious
physical infirmity to take a vacation,
and to get a
rest from public cares and duties, which
was
impossible while I stayed at home. When
I
went abroad
I determined to visit the locality, on the
xlvi PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
borders of
Lincolnshire and Yorkshire, from which
Bradford and
Brewster and Robinson, the three lead-
ers of the
Pilgrims, came, and where their first church
was formed,
and the places in Amsterdam and Leyden
where the
emigrants spent thirteen years. But I
longed
especially to see the manuscript of Bradford
at Fulham,
which then seemed to me, as it now
seems to me,
the most precious manuscript on earth,
unless we
could recover one of the four gospels
as it came
in the beginning from the pen of the
Evangelist.
The desire to get it back grew and grew
dur-
ing the
voyage across the
how such a
proposition would be received in Eng-
land. A few days after I landed I made a call upon
John
Morley. I asked him whether he thought
the
thing could
be done. He inquired carefully into the
story, took
down from his shelf the excellent though
brief life
of Bradford in Leslie Stephen's "Bio-
graphical
Dictionary," and told me he thought the
book ought
to come back to us, and that he should
be glad to
do anything in his power to help. It
was my
fortune, a week or two after, to sit next
to Mr.
Bayard at a dinner given to Mr. Collins by
the American
consuls in Great Britain. I took occa-
sion to tell
him the story, and he gave me the
assurance,
which he has since so abundantly and
successfully
fulfilled, of his powerful aid. I was
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. xlvii
compelled,
by the health of one of the party with
whom I was
travelling, to go to the continent almost
immediately,
and was disappointed in the hope of an
early return
to England. So the matter was delayed
until about
a week before I sailed for home, when
I went to
Fulham, in the hope at least of seeing
the
manuscript. I had supposed that it was a
quasi-
public
library, open to general visitors. But I
found
the bishop
was absent. I asked for the librarian,
but there
was no such officer, and I was told very
politely
that the library was not open to the public,
and was
treated in all respects as that of a private
gentleman. So I gave up any hope of doing any-
thing in
person. But I happened, the Friday
before
I sailed for
home, to dine with an English friend
who had been
exceedingly kind to me. As he took
leave of me,
about eleven o'clock in the evening,
he asked me
if there was anything more he could
do for
me. I said, "No, unless you happen to
know
the Lord
Bishop of London. I should like to get
a sight at
the manuscript of Bradford's history before
I go
home." He said, "I do not know
the bishop
myself, but
Mr. Grenfell, at whose house you spent
a few days
in the early summer, married the bishop's
niece, and
will gladly give you an introduction to his
uncle. He is in Scotland. But I will write to him
before I go
to bed."
Sunday morning brought me a cordial letter
from
xlviii PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
Mr.
Grenfell, introducing me to the bishop. I wrote
a note to
his lordship, saying I should be glad to
have an
opportunity to see Bradford's history; that
I was to
sail for the United States the next Wednes-
day, but
would be pleased to call at Fulham Tuesday,
if that were
agreeable to him.
I got a note in reply, in which he said
if I would
call on
Tuesday he would be happy to show me "The
Log of the
Mayflower," which is the title the English,
without the
slightest reason in the world, give the
manuscript. I kept the appointment, and found the
bishop with
the book in his hand. He received me
with great
courtesy, showed me the palace, and said
that that
spot had been occupied by a bishop's palace
for more
than a thousand years.
After looking at the volume and reading
the records
on the
flyleaf, I said: "My lord, I am going to say
something
which you may think rather audacious. I
think this
book ought to go back to Massachusetts.
Nobody knows
how it got over here. Some people
think it was
carried off by Governor Hutchinson, the
Tory
governor; other people think it was carried off
by British
soldiers when Boston was evacuated; but
in either
case the property would not have changed.
Or, if you
treat it as a booty, in which last case,
I suppose,
by the law of nations ordinary property
does change,
no civilized nation in modern times
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. xlix
applies that
principle to the property of libraries and
institutions
of learning."
"Well," said the bishop, "I
did not know you
I cared
anything about it."
"Why," said I, "if there were in existence in
England a
history of King Alfred's reign for thirty
years,
written by his own hand, it would not be more
precious in
the eyes of Englishmen than this manu-
script is to
us."
"Well," said he, "I think
myself it ought to go
back, and if
it had depended on me it would have gone
back before
this. But the Americans who have been
here many of
them have been commercial people --
did not seem
to care much about it except as a curi-
osity. I suppose I ought not to give it up on my
own
authority. It belongs to me in my
official
capacity,
and not as private or personal property.
I think I
ought to consult the Archbishop of Can-
terbury. And, indeed," he added, "I think I
ought
to speak to
the Queen about it. We should not do
such a thing
behind Her Majesty's back,"
I said: "Very well. When I go home I will have
a proper
application made from some of our literary
societies,
and ask you to give it consideration."
I saw Mr. Bayard again, and told him the
story.
He was at
the train when I left London for the
steamer at
Southampton. He entered with great in-
1 PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
terest into
the matter, and told me again he would
gladly do
anything in his power to forward it.
When I got home I communicated with
Secretary
Olney about
it, who took a kindly interest in the
matter, and
wrote to Mr. Bayard that the adminis-
tration
desired he should do everything in his power
to promote the
application. The matter was then
brought to
the attention of the council of the Ameri-
can
Antiquarian Society, the Massachusetts Historical
Society, the
Pilgrim Society of Plymouth and the
New England
Society of New York. These bodies
appointed committees
to unite in the application.
Governor
Wolcott was also consulted, who gave his
hearty
approbation to the movement, and a letter was
dispatched
through Mr. Bayard.
conversation,
had himself become Archbishop of Can-
terbury, and
in that capacity Primate of all England.
His
successor, Rev. Dr. Creighton, had been the
delegate of
John Harvard's College to the great cele-
bration at
Harvard University on the two hundred
and fiftieth
anniversary of its foundation, in 1886.
He had
received the degree, of doctor of laws from
the
university, had been a guest of President Eliot,
and had
received President Eliot as his guest in
England.
He is an accomplished historical scholar,
and very
friendly in
sentiment to the people of the United
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. li
States. So, by great fortune, the two eminent eccle-
siastical
personages who were to have a powerful
influence in
the matter were likely to be exceed-
ingly well
disposed. Dr. Benjamin A. Gould, the
famous
mathematician, was appointed one of the com-
mittee of
the American Antiquarian Society. He
died
suddenly,
just after a letter to the Bishop of London
was prepared
and about to be sent to him for sign-
-ing. He took a very zealous interest in the
matter.
The letter
formally asked for the return of the manu-
script, and
was signed by the following-named gentle-
men: George
F. Hoar, Stephen Salisbury, Edward
Everett
Hale, Samuel A. Green, for the American
Antiquarian
Society; Charles Francis Adams, William
Lawrence,
Charles W. Eliot, for the Massachusetts
Historical
Society; Arthur Lord, William M. Evarts,
William T.
Davis, for the Pilgrim Society of Plym-
outh;
Charles C. Beaman, Joseph H. Choate, J. Pier-
pont Morgan,
for the New England Society of New
York; Roger
Wolcott, Governor of Massachusetts.
The rarest good fortune seems to have
attended
every step
in this transaction.
I was fortunate in having formed the
friendship of
Mr. Grenfell,
which secured to me so cordial a
reception
from the Bishop of London.
It was fortunate that the Bishop of London
was
Dr. Temple,
an eminent scholar, kindly disposed
toward the
people of the United States, and a man
lii PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
thoroughly
capable of understanding and respecting
the deep and
holy sentiment which a compliance
with our
desire would gratify.
It was fortunate, too, that
thought he
must have the approbation of the arch-
bishop
before his action, when the time came had
himself
become Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate
of all
England.
It was fortunate that Dr. Creighton had
succeeded
to the see
of London. He is, himself, as I have
just said,
an eminent historical scholar. He has
many friends
in America. He was the delegate of
Emmanuel,
John Harvard's College, at the great Har-
vard
centennial celebration in 1886. He
received the
degree of
doctor of laws at Harvard and is a mem-
ber of the
Massachusetts Historical Society. He
had,
as I have
said, entertained President Eliot as his
guest in
England.
It was fortunate, too, that the
application came in
a time of
cordial good-will between the two coun-
tries, when
the desire of John Adams and the long-
ing of
George III. have their ample and complete
fulfilment. This token of the good-will of England
reached
Boston on the eve of the birthday of the
illustrious
sovereign, who is not more venerated and
beloved by
her own subjects than by the kindred
people
across the sea.
It comes to us at the time of the
rejoicing of the
THE ARCHBISHOP OF
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. liii
English
people at the sixtieth anniversary of a reign
more crowded
with benefit to humanity than any
other known
in the annals of the race. Upon the
power of
England, the sceptre, the trident, the lion,
the army and
the fleet, the monster ships of war,
the
all-shattering guns, the American people are
strong
enough now to look with an entire indiffer-
ence. We encounter her commerce and her manu-
facture in
the spirit of a generous emulation. The
inheritance
from which England has gained these
things is
ours also. We, too, are of the Saxon
strain.
In our halls is hung
Armory of the invincible knights of old.
Our temple covers a continent, and its
porches are
upon both
the seas. Our fathers knew the secret to
lay, in
Christian liberty and law, the foundations of
empire. Our young men are not ashamed, if need
be, to speak
with the enemy in the gate.
But to the illustrious lady, type of
gentlest woman-
hood, model
of mother and wife and friend, who came
at eighteen
to the throne of George IV. and William;
of purer
eyes than to behold iniquity; the maiden
presence
before which everything unholy shrank; the
sovereign
who, during her long reign, "ever knew
the people
that she ruled;" the royal nature that
disdained to
strike at her kingdom's rival in the
hour of our
sorest need; the heart which even in
liv PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
the bosom of
a queen beat with sympathy for the
cause of
constitutional liberty; who, herself not un-
acquainted
with grief, laid on the coffin of our dead
Garfield the
wreath fragrant with a sister's sympa-
thy, -- to
her our republican manhood does not dis-
dain to
bend.
The eagle, lord of land and sea,
Will stoop to pay her fealty.
But I am afraid this application might
have had
the fate of
its predecessors but for our special good
fortune in
the fact that Mr. Bayard was our ambas-
sador at the
Court of St. James. He had been, as
I said in
the beginning, the ambassador not so much
of the
diplomacy as of the good-will of the American
people. Before his powerful influence every obstacle
gave
way. It was almost impossible for
Englishmen
to refuse a
request like this, made by him, and
in which his
own sympathies were so profoundly
enlisted. You are entitled, sir, to the gratitude of
Massa-
chusetts, to
the gratitude of every lover of Massa-
chusetts and
of every lover of the country. You
have
succeeded where so many others have failed,
and where so
many others would have been likely
to
fail. You may be sure that our debt to
you is
fully
understood and will not be forgotten.
The question of the permanent abiding-place
of this
ADDRESS OF SENATOR HOAR. lv
manuscript
will be settled after it has reached the
hands of His
Excellency. Wherever it shall go it
will be an
object of reverent care. I do not think
many
Americans will gaze upon it without a little
trembling of
the lips and a little gathering of mist
in the eyes,
as they think of the story of suffering,
of sorrow,
of peril, of exile, of death and of lofty
triumph
which that book tells, -- which the hand of
the great
leader and founder of America has traced
on those
pages.
There is nothing like it in human annals
since the
story of
Bethlehem. These Englishmen and English
women going
out from their homes in beautiful Lin-
coln and
York, wife separated from husband and
mother from
child in that hurried embarkation for
Holland,
pursued to the beach by English horsemen;
the thirteen
years of exile; the life at Amsterdam
"in
alley foul and lane obscure;" the dwelling at
Leyden; the
embarkation at Delfthaven; the farewell
of Robinson;
the terrible voyage across the Atlantic;
the compact
in the harbor; the landing on the rock;
the dreadful
first winter; the death roll of more than
half the
number; the days of suffering and of famine;
the wakeful
night, listening for the yell of wild
beast and
the war-whoop of the savage; the build-
ing of the
State on those sure foundations which
no wave or
tempest has ever shaken; the breaking
of the new
light; the dawning of the new day; the
lvi
beginning of
the new life; the enjoyment of peace
with
liberty, -of all these things this is the origi-
nal record
by the hand of our beloved father and
founder. Massachusetts will preserve it until the
time shall
come that her children are unworthy of
it; and that
time shall come, -- never.
ADDRESS
OF
THE
HON.
THOMAS F. BAYARD.
lvii
ADDRESS OF AMBASSADOR BAYARD.
Your Excellency, Gentlemen of the two
Houses of
the
Legislature of Massachusetts, Ladies and Gentle-
men, Fellow
Countrymen: The honorable and most
gratifying
duty with which I am charged is about
to receive
its final act of execution, for I have the
book here,
as it was placed in my hands by the
Lord Bishop
of London on April 29, intact then and
now; and I
am about to deliver it according to the
provisions
of the decree of the Chancellor of Lon-
don, which
has been read in your presence, and the
receipt
signed by me and registered in his court that
I would obey
the provisions of that decree.
I have kept my trust; I have kept the book
as
I received
it; I shall deliver it into the hands of
the
representative of the people who are entitled
to its
custody.
And now, gentlemen, it would be
superfluous for
me to dwell
upon the historical features of this
remarkable
occasion, for it has been done, as we
all knew it
would be done, with ability, learning,
eloquence
and impressiveness, by the distinguished
Senator who
represents you so well in the Con-
gress of the
United States.
lx PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
For all that related to myself, and for
every
gracious
word of recognition and commendation that
fell from
his lips in relation to the part that I have
taken in the
act of restoration, I am profoundly
grateful. It is an additional reward, but not the
reward which
induced my action.
To have served your State, to have been
instru-
mental in
such an act as this, was of itself a high
privilege to
me. The Bradford manuscript was in the
library of
Fulham palace, and if, by lawful means, I
could have
become possessed of the volume, and have
brought it
here and quietly deposited it, I should
have gone to
my home with the great satisfaction of
knowing that
I had performed an act of justice, an
act of right
between two countries. Therefore the
praise,
however grateful, is additional, and I am very
thankful for
it.
It may not be inappropriate or unpleasing
to you
should I
state in a very simple manner the history
of my
relation to the return of this book, for it all
has occurred
within the last twelve months.
I knew of the existence of this
manuscript, and
had seen the
reproduction in facsimile. I knew that
attempts had
been made, unsuccessfully, to obtain the
original
book.
At that time Senator Hoar made a short
visit to
informed by
him of the great interest that he, in
AMBASSADOR BAYARD'S ADDRESS. lxi
common with
the people of this State, had in the
restoration
of this manuscript to the custody of the
State.
We
discussed the methods by which it might be
accomplished,
and after two or three concurrent sug-
gestions he
returned to the United States, and pres-
ently I
received, under cover from the Secretary of
State, -- a
distinguished citizen of your own State,
Mr. Olney,
-- a formal note, suggesting rather than
instructing
that in an informal manner I should en-
deavor to
have carried out the wishes of the various
societies
that had addressed themselves to the Bishop
of London
and the Archbishop of Canterbury, in
order to
obtain the return of this manuscript.
It necessarily had to be done
informally. The strict
regulations
of the office I then occupied forbade my
correspondence
with any member of the British gov-
ernment
except through the foreign office, unless it
were
informal. An old saying describes the
entire
case, that
"When there's a will there's a way."
There
certainly
was the will to get the book, and there cer-
tainly was
also a will and a way to give the book,
and that way
was discovered by the legal custodians
of the book
itself.
At first there were suggestions of
difficulty, some
technical
questions; and following a very safe rule,
the first
thought was, What is the law? and the case
was
submitted to the law officers of the Crown.
lxii PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
Then there
arose the necessity of a formal act of
permission.
There could be entertained no question as
to the
title to the
manuscript in the possession of the British
government. There was no authority to grant a claim,
founded on
adverse title, and the question arose as
to the
requisite form of law of a permissive rather
than of a
mandatory nature, in order to be authorita-
tive with
those who had charge of the document.
But, as I have said, when there was a will
there
was found a
way. By personal correspondence and
interviews
with the Bishop of London, I soon discov-
ered that he
was as anxious to find the way as I was
that he
should find it. In March last it was
finally
agreed that
I should employ legal counsel to present
a formal
petition in the Episcopal
of
sent the
strong desire of Massachusetts and her people
for the
return of the record of her early Governor.
Accordingly, the petition was prepared,
and by my
authority
signed as for me by an eminent member
of the bar,
and it was also signed by the Bishop of
London, so
that there was a complete consensus. The
decree was
ordered, as is published in the London
"Times"
on March 25 last, and nothing after that
remained but
formalities, in which, as you are well
aware, the
English law is not lacking, especially in
the
ecclesiastical tribunals.
AMBASSADOR BAYARD'S ADDRESS. lxiii
These formalities
were carried out during my ab-
sence from
London on a short visit to the Conti-
nent, and
the decree which you have just heard read
was duly
entered on April 12 last, consigning the
document to
my personal custody, to be delivered
by me in
this city to the high official therein named,
subject to
those conditions which you have also heard.
Accordingly, on the 29th of April last I
was sum-
moned to the
court, and there, having signed the re-
ceipt, this
decree was read in my presence. Then the
Bishop of
London arose, and, taking the book in
his hands,
delivered it with a few gracious words
into my
custody, and here it is to-day.
The records of those proceedings will no
doubt be
preserved
here as accompanying this book, as they
are in the
Episcopal Consistorial Court in London,
and they
tell the entire story.
But that is but part. The thing that I wish to
impress upon
you, and upon my fellow countrymen
throughout
the United States, is that this is an act
of courtesy
and friendship by another government --
the
government of what we once called our "mother
country"
-- to the entire people of the United States.
You cannot limit it to the Governor of
this Com-
monwealth;
nor to the Legislature; nor even to the
citizens of
this Commonwealth. It extends in its
courtesy,
its kindness and comity to the entire people
of the
United States. From first to last there
was
lxiv PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
the ready
response of courtesy and kindness to the
request for
the restoration of this manuscript record.
I may say to you that there has been
nothing that
I have
sought more earnestly than to place the affairs
of these two
great nations in the atmosphere of
mutual
confidence and respect and good-will. If
it
be a sin to
long for the honor of one's country,
for the
safety and strength of one's country, then
I have been
a great sinner, for I have striven to
advance the
honor and the safety and the welfare
of my
country, and believed it was best accom-
plished by
treating all with justice and courtesy, and
doing those
things to others which we would ask to
have done to
ourselves.
When the Chancellor pronounced his decree
in March
last, he
cited certain precedents to justify him in re-
storing this
volume to Massachusetts. One precedent
which
powerfully controlled his decision, and which
in the
closing portion of his judgment he emphasizes,
was an act
of generous liberality upon the part of
the American
Library Society in Philadelphia in vol-
untarily
returning to the British government some
volumes of
original manuscript of the period of James
the First,
which by some means not very clearly
explained
had found their way among the books of
that
institution.
Those books were received by a
distinguished man,
Lord
Romilly, Master of the Rolls, who took occasion
AMBASSADOR BAYARD'S ADDRESS. lxv
to speak of
the liberality and kindness which dictated
the action
of the Philadelphia library. Gentlemen,
I
am one of
those who believe that a generous and
kindly act
is never unwise between individuals or
nations.
The return of this book to you is an echo
of the
kindly act
of your countrymen in the city of Phila-
delphia in
1866.
It is that, not, as Mr. Hoar has said, any
influence
or special
effort of mine; but it is international good
feeling and
comity which brought about to you the
pleasure and
the joy of having this manuscript re-
turned, and
so it will ever be. A generous act will
beget a
generous act; trust and confidence will beget
trust and
confidence; and so it will be while the world
shall last,
and well will it be for the man or for the
people who
shall recognize this truth and act upon it.
Now, gentlemen, there is another
coincidence that
I may venture
to point out. It is history repeating
itself. More than three hundred years ago the ances-
tors from
whom my father drew his name and blood
were French
Protestants, who had been compelled to
flee from
the religious persecutions of that day, and
for the sake
of conscience to find an asylum in Hol-
land. Fifty years after they had fled and found
safety
in Holland,
the little congregation of Independents
from the
English village of Scrooby, under the pas-
torate of
John Robinson, was forced to fly, and with
lxvi PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
difficulty
found its way into the same country of the
Netherlands,
seeking an asylum for consciences' sake.
Time passed on. The little English colony re-
moved, as
this manuscript of William Bradford will
tell you,
across the Atlantic, and soon after the
Huguenot
family from whom I drew my name found
their first
settlement in what was then the New
Netherlands,
now New York. Both came from the
same cause;
both came with the same object, the
same purpose,
-- "soul freedom," as Roger Williams
well called
it. Both came to found homes where
they could
worship God according to their own con-
science and
live as free men. They came to these
shores, and
they have found the asylum, and they
have strengthened
it, and it is what we see to-day, --
a country of
absolute religious and civil freedom, --
of equal
rights and toleration.
And is it not fitting that I, who have in
my veins
the blood of
the Huguenots, should present to you and
your Governor
the log of the English emigrants, who
left their
country for the sake of religious freedom?
They are blended here, -- their names,
their inter-
ests. No man asks and no man has a right to ask
or have
ascertained by any method authorized by law
what is the
conscientious religious tenet or opinion
of any man,
of any citizen, as a prerequisite for
holding an
office of trust or power in the United
States.
AMBASSADOR BAYARD'S ADDRESS. lxvii
I think it
well on this occasion to make, as I am
sure you are
making, acknowledgment to that heroic
little
country, the Low lands as they call it, the Neth-
erlands, --
the country without one single feature of
military
defence except the brave hearts of the men
who live in
it and defend it.
Holland was the anvil upon which religious
and
civil
liberty was beaten out in Europe at a time
when the
clang was scarcely heard anywhere else.
We can never
forget our historical debt to that
country and
to those people. Puritan, Independent,
Huguenot,
whoever he may be, forced to flee for
conscience's
sake, will not forget that in the Nether-
lands there
was found in his time of need the
asylum where
conscience, property and person might
be secure.
And now my task is done. I am deeply grateful
for the part
that I have been enabled to take in this
act of just
and natural restitution. In
Massachusetts
or out of
Massachusetts there is no one more will-
ing than I
to assist this work; and here, sir [address-
ing Governor
Wolcott], I fulfil my trust in placing in
your hands
the manuscript.
To you, as the honored representative of
the people
of this
Commonwealth, I commit this book, in pur-
suance of my
obligations, gladly undertaken under
the decree
of the Episcopal Consistorial Court of
London.
ADDRESS
OF
HIS EXCELLENCY ROGER WOLCOTT.
lxix
ADDRESS OF GOVERNOR WOLCOTT.
On receiving
the volume, Governor Wolcott, ad-
dressing Mr.
Bayard, spoke as follows: I thank you,
sir, for the
diligent and faithful manner in which
you have
executed the honorable trust imposed upon
you by the
decree of the Consistorial and Episcopal
Court of
London, a copy of which you have now
placed in my
hands. It was fitting that one of your
high
distinction should be selected to perform so
dignified an
office.
The gracious act of international courtesy
which is
now
completed will not fail of grateful appreciation
by the
people of this Commonwealth and of the
nation. It is honorable alike to those who hesitated
not to
prefer the request and to those whose generous
liberality
has prompted compliance with it. It may
be that the
story of the departure of this precious
relic from
our shores may never in its every detail
be revealed;
but the story of its return will be read
of all men,
and will become a part of the history
of the
Commonwealth. There are places and
objects
so
intimately associated with the world's greatest men
or with
mighty deeds that the soul of him who gazes
upon them is
lost in a sense of reverent awe, as it
lxxii PLYMOUTH PLANTATION.
listens to
the voice that speaks from the past, in
words like
those which came from the burning bush,
"Put
off thy shoes from off thy feet, for the place
whereon thou
standest is holy ground."
On the sloping hillside of Plymouth, that
bathes
its feet in
the waters of the Atlantic, such a voice
is breathed
by the brooding genius of the place, and
the ear must
be dull that fails to catch the whispered
words. For here not alone did godly men and women
suffer
greatly for a great cause, but their noble pur-
pose was not
doomed to defeat, but was carried to
perfect
victory. They stablished what they
planned.
Their feeble
plantation became the birthplace of re-
ligious
liberty, the cradle of a free Commonwealth.
To them a
mighty nation owns its debt. Nay, they
have made
the civilized world their debtor. In the
varied
tapestry which pictures our national life, the
richest
spots are those where gleam the golden threads
of
conscience, courage and faith, set in the web by
that little
band. May God in his mercy grant that
the moral
impulse which founded this nation may
never cease
to control its destiny; that no act of
any future
generation may put in peril the funda-
mental
principles on which it is based, -- of equal
rights in a
free state, equal privileges in a free
church and
equal opportunities in a free school.
In this precious volume which I bold in my
hands
-- the gift
of
GOVERNOR WOLCOTT'S ADDRESS. lxxiii
sachusetts
-- is told the noble, simple story" of Plimoth
Plantation." In the midst of suffering and
privation
and anxiety the pious hand of William
"
Bradford here set down in ample detail the history
of the
enterprise from its inception to the year 1647.
From him we
may learn "that all great and hon-
ourable
actions are accompanied with great difficulties,
and must be
both enterprised and overcome with
answerable
courages."
The sadness and pathos which some might
read into
the
narrative are to me lost in victory. The
triumph
of a noble
cause even at a great price is theme for
rejoicing,
not for sorrow, and the story here told
is one of
triumphant achievement, and not of defeat.
As the official representative of the
Commonwealth,
I receive
it, sir, at your hands. I pledge the
faith
of the
Commonwealth that for all time it shall be
guarded in
accordance with the terms of the decree
under which
it is delivered into her possession as one
of her
chiefest treasures. I express the thanks
of the
Commonwealth
for the priceless gift. And I venture
the prophecy
that for countless years to come and
to untold
thousands these mute pages shall eloquently
speak of
high resolve, great suffering and heroic en-
durance made
possible by an absolute faith in the
over-ruling
providence of Almighty God.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
BY THE
BISHOP OF LONDON.
lxxv
(COPY)
Oct. 16, 1897.
DEAR SIR,
I would ask you to express to the
Convention
of the two
branches of the General Court of the
Commonwealth
of Massachusetts my grateful thanks
for the copy
of their resolution of May 26, which
was
presented to me by Mr. Adams.*
I consider it a great privilege to have
been asso-
ciated with
an act of courtesy, which was also an
act of
justice, in restoring to its proper place a
document
which is so important in the records of,
your
illustrious Commonwealth.
I am
Yours faithfully,
M.
H. D. COOLIDGE, Esq.
Clerk of the
Convention.
*The Hon. Charles Francis Adams.
lxxvii
OF PLIMOTH
Of Plimoth Plantation.
AND first of ye occasion and
indusments ther unto;
the which
that I may truly unfould, I must begine at
ye
very roote & rise of ye same.
The which I shall
endevor to
manefest in a plaine stile, with singuler
regard unto
ye simple trueth in all things, at least as
near as my
slender judgmente can attaine the same.
1. Chapter.
IT is well knowne unto ye godly
and judicious, how
ever since ye
first breaking out of ye lighte of ye gospell
in our
Honourable Nation of England, (which was ye
first of
nations whom ye Lord adorned ther with, affter
yt
grosse darknes of popery which had covered & over-
spred ye
Christian worled,) what warrs & opposissions
ever since,
Satan hath raised, maintained, and continued
against the
Saincts, from time to time, in one sorte or
other. Some times by bloody death and cruell tor-
ments; other
whiles imprisonments, banishments, &
other hard
usages; as being loath his kingdom should
goe downe,
the trueth prevaile, and ye churches of God
reverte to
their anciente puritie, and recover their prima-
tive order,
libertie, & bewtie. But when he
could not
4 HISTORY OF [ CHAP. I.
prevaile by
these means, against the maine trueths of
ye
gospell, but that they began to take rootting in many
places,
being watered with ye blooud of ye martires, and
blessed from
heaven with a gracious encrease; He then
begane to
take him to his anciente strategemes, used
of old
against the first Christians. That when
by ye
bloody &
barbarous persecutions of ye Heathen Em-
perours, he
could not stoppe & subuerte the course
of ye
gospell, but that it speedily overspred with a
wounderfull
celeritie the then best known parts of ye
world, He
then begane to sow errours, heresies, and
wounderfull
dissentions amongst ye professours them
selves,
(working upon their pride & ambition, with
other
corrupte passions incidente to all mortall men,
yea to ye
saints them selves in some measure,) by
which wofull
effects followed; as not only bitter con-
tentions,
& hartburnings, schismes, with other horrible
confusions,
but Satan tooke occasion & advantage therby
to foyst in
a number of vile ceremoneys, with many
unproffitable
cannons & decrees, which have since been
as snares to
many poore & peaceable souls even to this
day. So as in ye anciente times, the
persecutions [2]
by ye
heathen & their Emperours, was not greater then
of the
Christians one against other; the Arians & other
their
complices against ye orthodoxe & true Christians.
As witneseth
Socrates in his 2. booke. His words are
these;* The violence truly (saith he) was
no less than
*Lib. 2.
Chap. 22.
CHAP. I.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 5
that of ould
practised towards ye Christians when they
were
compelled & drawne to sacrifice to idoles; for many
indured
sundrie kinds of tormente, often rackings, & dis-
membering of
their joynts; confiscating of ther goods
some
bereaved of their native soyle; others departed this
life under ye hands of ye tormentor; and some died in
banishmete,
& never saw ther cuntrie againe, &c.
The like methode Satan hath seemed to hold
in these
later times,
since ye trueth begane to springe & spread
after ye
great defection made by Antichrist, yt man of
sine.
For to let pass ye infinite
examples in sundrie na-
tions and
severall places of ye world, and instance in
our owne,
when as yt old serpente could not prevaile
by those
firie flames & other his cruell tragedies, which
he * by his
instruments put in ure every wher in ye
days of
queene Mary & before, he then begane an
other kind
of warre, & went more closly to worke;
not only to
oppuggen, but even to ruinate & destroy
ye
kingdom of Christ, by more secrete & subtile means,
by kindling
ye flames of contention and sowing ye
seeds of
discorde & bitter enmitie amongst ye proffes-
sors &
seeming reformed them selves. For when
he
could not
prevaile by ye former means against ye prin-
cipall
doctrins of faith, he bente his force against ye
holy
discipline & outward regimente of ye kingdom of
*In the text, parentheses are used
frequently, apparently in place of commas.
For this
reason, many are omitted in the reprint.
6 HISTORY OF [CHAP.
I.
Christ, by
which those holy doctrines should be con-
served,
& true pietie maintained amongest the saints
& people
of God.
Mr. Foxe recordeth how yt besids
those worthy
martires
& confessors which were burned in queene
Marys days
& otherwise tormented,* many (both stu-
dients re
others) fled out of ye land, to ye number of
800. And became severall congregations. At Wesell,
Frankford,
Bassill, Emden, Markpurge, Strausborugh,
&
Geneva, &c. Amongst whom (but especialy those
at Frankford)
begane yt bitter warr of contention &
persecutio
aboute ye ceremonies, & servise-booke, and
other popish
and antichristian stuffe, the plague of
England to
this day, which are like ye highplases in
Israell, wch
the prophets cried out against, & were
their ruine;
[3] which ye better parte sought, accord-
ing to ye
puritie of ye gospell, to roote out and
utterly to
abandon. And the other parte (under
veiled
pretences) for their ouwn ends & advancments,
sought as
stifly to continue, maintaine, & defend.
As
appeareth by
ye discourse therof published
in printe,
Ano: 1575; a booke yt deserves better
to be knowne
and
considred.
The one side laboured to have ye right
worship of
God &
discipline of Christ established in ye church,
according to
ye simplicitie of ye gospell, without the
mixture of
mens inventions, and to have & to be
*Acts & Mon: pag. 1587. editi: 2.
CHAP. I. ] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 7
ruled by ye
laws of Gods word, dispensed in those
offices,
& by those officers of Pastors, Teachers, &
Elders,
&c. according to ye Scripturs.
The other par-
tie, though
under many colours & pretences, endev-
ored to have
ye episcopall dignitie (affter ye popish
maner) with
their large power & jurisdiction still re-
tained; with
all those courts, cannons, & ceremonies,
togeather
with all such livings, revenues, & subordi-
nate
officers, with other such means as formerly up-
held their
antichristian greatnes, and enabled them
with lordly
& tyranous power to persecute ye poore
servants of
God. This contention was so great, as
neither ye
honour of God, the commone persecution,
nor ye
mediation of Mr. Calvin & other worthies of
ye
Lord in those places, could prevaile with those
thus
episcopally minded, but they proceeded by all
means to
disturbe ye peace of this poor persecuted
church, even
so farr as to charge (very unjustly, &
ungodlily,
yet prelatelike) some of their cheefe op-
posers, with
rebellion & hightreason against ye Em-
perour,
& other such crimes.
And this contetion dyed not with queene
Mary, nor
was left
beyonde ye seas, but at her death these peo-
ple
returning into England under gracious queene
Elizabeth,
many of them being preferred to bish-
opricks
& other promotions, according to their aimes
and desires,
that inveterate hatered against ye holy
discipline
of Christ in his church hath continued to
8 HISTORY OF [ CHAP. I.
this
day. In somuch that for fear [4] it
should pre-
veile, all
plotts & devices have been used to keepe it
out, incensing
ye queene & state against it as dan-
gerous for ye
comon wealth; and that it was most
needfull yt
ye fundamentall poynts of Religion should
be preached
in those ignorante & superstitious times;
and to wine
ye weake & ignorante, they might retaine
diverse
harmles ceremoneis; and though it were to be
wished yt
diverse things were reformed, yet this was
not a season
for it. And many the like, to stop ye
mouthes of ye
more godly, to bring them over to
yeeld to one
ceremoney after another, and one cor-
ruption
after another; by these wyles begyleing some
&
corrupting others till at length they begane to per-
secute all
ye zealous professors in ye land (though
they knew
little what this discipline mente) both by
word &
deed, if they would not submitte to their
ceremonies,
& become slaves to them & their popish
trash, which
have no ground in ye word of God, but
are relikes
of yt man of sine. And the
more ye light
of ye
gospell grew, ye more yey urged their subscrip-
tions to
these corruptions. So as
(notwithstanding all
their former
pretences & fair colures) they whose
eyes God had
not justly blinded might easily see
wherto these
things tended. And to cast contempte
the more
upon ye sincere servants of God, they oppro-
briously
& most injuriously gave unto, & imposed
upon them,
that name of Puritans, which [it] is said
CHAP. I.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 9
the
Novatians out of prid did assume & take unto
themselves.* And lamentable it is to see ye
effects
which have
followed. Religion hath been disgraced,
the godly
greeved, afflicted, persecuted, and many
exiled,
sundrie have lost their lives in prisones &
otherways. On the other hand, sin hath been coun-
tenanced,
ignorance, profannes, & atheisme increased,
& the
papists encouraged to hope againe for a day.
This made that holy man Mr. Perkins! crie
out in
his
exhortation to repentance, upon Zeph. 2.
Religion
(saith he)
hath been amongst us this 35. years; but
the more it
is published, the more it is contemned &
reproached
of many, &c. Thus not prophanes nor
wickednes,
but Religion it selfe is a byword, a moking-
stock,
&:, a matter of reproach; so that in England at
this day the
man or woman yt begines to profes Religion,
&:, to
serve God, must resolve with him selfe to sustaine
[5] mocks
& injueries even as though he lived amongst
ye
enimies of Religion. And this comone experience
hath
confirmed & made too apparente.
A late observation, as it were by the way,
worthy to be
Noted.!!
Full litle
did I thinke, yt the downfall of ye Bishops, with
their
courts, cannons, & ceremonies, &c. had been so neare,
when I first
begane these scribled writings (which was aboute
ye
year 1630, and so peeced up at times of leasure after-
*Ens: lib: 6. Chap. 42. !Page 421.
!!A note of the author at this place,
written subsequent to this portion of
the
narrative, on the reverse pages of his History.
10 HISTORY OF [CHAP. I.
ward), or
that I should have lived to have seene or heard
of ye
same; but it is ye Lords doing, and ought to be
marvelous in
our eyes! Every plante which mine
heavenly
father hath
not planted (saith our Saviour) shall be rooted
up. Mat: 15. 13.*
I have snared the, and thou art taken,
0 Babell
(Bishops), and thou wast not aware; thou art
found, and
also caught, because thou hast striven against
the
Lord. Jer. 50. 24. But will they needs strive against ye
truth,
against ye servants of God; what, & against the Lord
him
selfe? Doe they provoke the Lord to
anger? Are they
stronger
than he? 1. Cor: 10. 22. No, no, they have mete
with their
match. Behold, I come unto ye,
O proud man,
saith the
Lord God of hosts; for thy day is come, even the
time that I
will visite the. Jer: 50. 31. May not the
people of
God now say (and these pore people among ye
rest), The
Lord hath brought forth our righteousnes; come,
let us
declare in Sion the work of the Lord our God.
Jer:
51. 10. Let all flesh be still before the Lord; for
he is
raised up
out of his holy place. Zach: 2. 13.
In this case, these poore people may say
(among ye
thousands of
Israll), When the Lord brougt againe the
cap-
tivite of
Zion, we were like them that dreame.
Psa: 126. 1.
The Lord
hath done greate things for us, wherof we rejoyce.
v. 3. They that sow in teares, shall reap in
joye. They
wente
weeping, and carried precious seede, but they shall
returne with
joye, and bring their sheaves. v. 5, 6.
Doe you not now see ye fruits
of your labours, 0 all yee
servants of
ye Lord that have suffered for his truth, and
have been
faithfull witneses of ye same, and yee litle hand-
fall amongst
ye rest, ye least amongest ye thoasands of
Israll?
You have not
only had a seede time, but many of you have
seene ye
joyefull harvest; shoald you not then rejoyse, yea,
*All these and subsequent passages are
quoted from the Geneva version
of the
Bible.
CHAP. I.]
and againe
rejoyce, and say Hallelu-iah, salvation, and glorie,
and honour,
and power, be to ye Lord our God; for true
and
righteous are his judgments. Rev. 19. 1, 2.
But thou wilte aske what is ye
mater? What is done?
Why, art
thou a stranger in Israll, that thou shouldest not
know what is
done? Are not those Jebusites overcome
that
have vexed
the people of Israll so long, even holding Jeru-
salem till
Davids days, and been as thorns in their sids, so
many ages;
and now begane to scorne that any David
should
meadle with them; they begane to fortifie their tower,
as that of
the old Babelonians; but those proud Anakimes
are throwne
downe, and their glory laid in ye dust. The
tiranous
bishops are ejected, their courts dissolved, their can-
nons
forceless, their servise casheired, their ceremonies useles
and
despised; their plots for popery prevented, and all their
superstitions
discarded & returned to Roome from whence
they came,
and ye monuments of idolatrie rooted out of ye land.
And the
proud and profane suporters, and cruel I defenders of
these (as
bloody papists & wicked athists, and their malignante
consorts)
marvelously over throwne. And are not
these greate
things? Who
can deney it?
But who hath done it? Who, even he that siteth on ye
white
horse, who
is caled faithfull, & true, and judgeth and fighteth
righteously,
Rev: 19. 11. whose garments are dipte in
blood,
and his name
was caled the word of God, v. 13. for he shall
rule them
with a rode of iron; for it is he that treadeth the
winepress of
the feircenes and wrath of God almighty.
And
he hath upon
his garmente, and upon his thigh, a name writen,
The King of
Kings, and Lord of Lords. v. 15, 16.
Hallelu-iah.
Anno
Dom: 1646.
But that I may come more near my
intendmente;
when as by
the travell & diligence of some godly &
zealous
preachers, & Gods blessing on their labours, as
12 HISTORY OF [CHAP. I.
in other
places of ye land, so in ye North parts, many
became
inlightened by ye word of God, and had their
ignorance
& sins discovered unto them, and begane by
his grace to
reforme their lives, and make conscience
of their
wayes, the worke of God was no sooner mani-
fest in
them, but presently they were both scoffed and
scorned by ye
prophane multitude, and ye ministers
urged with ye
yoak of subscription, or els must be
silenced;
and ye poore people were so vexed with
apparators,
& pursuants, & ye comissarie courts, as
truly their
affliction was not smale; which, notwith-
standing,
they bore sundrie years with much patience,
till they
were occasioned (by ye continuance & encrease
of these
troubls, and other means which ye Lord raised
up in those
days) to see further into things by the
light of ye
word of God. How not only these base
and beggerly
ceremonies were unlawfull, but also that
ye
lordly & tiranous power of ye prelats ought not to
be submitted
unto; which thus, contrary to the free-
dome of the
gospell, would load & burden mens con-
sciences,
and by their compulsive power make a prophane
mixture of
persons & things in ye worship of God. And
that their
offices & calings, courts & cannons, &c. were
unlawfull
and antichrist!an; being such as have no war-
rante in ye
word of God; but the same yt were used in
poperie,
& still retained. Of which a famous
author
thus writeth
in his Dutch comtaries. At ye coming of
*Em: meter: lib: 25. col. 119.
1602-1606?] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 13
king James
into England; The new king (saith he) found
their
established ye reformed religion, according to ye re-
formed
religion of king Edward ye 6.
Retaining, or
keeping
still ye spirituall state of ye Bishops, &c. after
ye
ould maner, much varying re differing from ye reformed
churches in
Scotland, France, & ye Neatherlands, Embden,
Geneva,
&c. whose reformation is cut, or shapen much
nerer ye
first Christian churches, as it was used in ye
Apostles
times.*
[6] SO many therfore of these proffessors
as saw ye
evill of
these things, in thes parts, and whose harts ye
Lord had
touched wth heavenJy zeale for his trueth, they
shooke of
this yoake of antichristian bondage, and as
ye
Lords free people, joyned them selves (by a covenant
of the Lord)
into a church estate, in ye felowship of ye
gospell, to
walke in all his wayes, made known, or to
be made
known unto them, according to their best en-
deavours,
whatsoever it should cost them, the Lord assist-
ing
them. And that it cost them something
this ensewing
historie
will declare.
These people became 2. distincte bodys or churches,
& in
regarde of distance of place did congregate sev-
erally; for
they were of sundrie townes & vilages, some
in
Notingamshire, some of Lincollinshire, and some of
Yorkshire,
wher they border- nearest togeather. In
one
*The reformed churches shapen much neerer
ye primitive patterne then
England, for
they cashered ye Bishops with al their courts, cannons, and cere-
moneis, at
the first; and left them amongst ye popish tr, .to Ch wch
they per-
tained. (The
last word in the note is uncertain in the MS.)
14 HISTORY OF [CHAP. I.
of these
churches (besids others of note) was Mr. John
Smith, a man
of able gifts, a good preacher, who
afterwards
was chosen their pastor. But these
after-
wards
falling into some errours in ye
ther (for ye
most part) buried them selves, & their
names.
But in this other church (wch
must be ye subjecte of
our
discourse) besids other worthy men, was Mr. Richard
Clifton, a
grave & revered preacher, who by his paines
and
dilligens had done much good, and under God had
ben a means
of ye conversion of many. And
also that
famous and worthy
man Mr. John Robinson, who after-
wards was
their pastor for many years, till ye Lord
tooke him
away by death. Also Mr.
William Brewster a
reverent
man, who afterwards was chosen an elder
of ye
church and lived with them till old age.
But after these things they could not long
continue
in any
peaceable condition, but were hunted & perse-
cuted on
every side, so as their former afflictions were
but as
flea-bitings in comparison of these which now
came upon
them. For some were taken & clapt up
in
prison,
others had their houses besett & watcht night
and day,
& hardly escaped their hands; and ye most
were faine
to flie & leave their howses & habitations,
and the
means of their livelehood. Yet these
& many
other
sharper things which affterward befell them,
were no
other then they looked for, and therfore were ye
better
prepared to bear them by ye assistance of Gods
1608.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 15
grace &
spirite. Yet seeing, them selves thus
molested,
[7] and that
ther was no hope of their continuance ther,
by a joynte
consente they resolved to goe into ye Low-
Countries,
wher they heard was freedome of Relioion
for all men;
as also how sundrie from London, & other
parts of ye
land, had been exiled and persecuted for
ye
same cause, & were gone thither, and lived at Am-
sterdam,
& in other places of ye land.
So affter they
had
continued togeither aboute a year, and kept their
meetings
every Saboth in one place or other, exercising
the worship
of God amongst them selves, notwithstand-
ing, all ye
dilligence & malice of their adverssaries, they
seeing they
could no longer continue in yt condition,
they
resolved to get over into Hollad as they could;
which was in
ye year 1607. & 1608.; of
which more at
large in ye
next chap.
2. Chap.
Of their
departure into
aboute, with some of ye many
difficulties they found
and mete withall.
Ano. 1608.
BEING thus constrained to leave their
native soyle
and
countries their lands & livings, and all their
freinds
& famillier acquaintance, it was much, and
thought
marvelous by many. But to goe into a
coun-
trie they
knew not (but by hearsay), wher they must
learne a new
language, and get their livings they
16 HISTORY OF [CHAP. II.
knew not
how, it being a dear place, & subjecte to
ye
misseries of warr, it was by many thought an ad-
venture
almost desperate, a case intolerable, & a mis-
serie worse
then death. Espetially seeing they were
not
aquainted with trads nor traffique, (by which yt
countrie
doth subsiste,) but had only been used to a
plaine
countrie life, & ye inocente trade of husbandrey.
But these
things did not dismay them (though they
did some
times trouble them) for their desires were
sett on ye
ways of God, & to injoye his ordinances;
but they
rested on his providence, & knew whom they
had
beleeved. Yet [8] this was not all, for
though
they could
not stay, yet were ye not suffered to goe,
but ye
ports & havens were shut against them, so as
they were
faine to seeke secrete means of conveance,
& to
bribe & fee ye mariners, & give exterordinarie
rates for
their passages. And yet were they often
times
betrayed (many of them), and both they &
their goods
intercepted & surprised, and therby put
to great
trouble & charge, of which I will give an in-
stance or
tow, & omitte the rest.
Ther was a large companie of them purposed
to get
passage at
Boston in Lincoln-shire, and for that end
had hired a
shipe wholy to them selves, & made
agreement
with the maister to be ready at a certaine
day, and
take them and their goods in, at a con-
veniente
place, wher they accordingly would all at-
tende in
readines. So after long waiting, &
large
1608.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 1 7
expences,
though he kepte not day with them, yet he
came at
length & tooke them in, in ye night. But
when he had
them & their goods abord, he betrayed
them,
haveing before hand complotted with ye serchers
& other
officers so to doe; who tooke them, and put
them into
open boats, & ther rifled & ransaked them,
searching
them to their shirts for money, yea even ye
women furder
then became modestie; and then caried
them back
into ye towne, & made them a spectackle
& wonder
to ye multitude, which came flocking on all
sids to
behould them. Being thus first, by the
chatch-
poule
officers, rifled, & stripte of their money, books,
and much
other goods, they were presented to ye
magestrates,
and messengers sente to informe ye lords
of ye
Counsell of them; and so they were comited to
ward. Indeed ye magestrats used them
courteously,
and shewed
them what favour they could; but could
not deliver
them, till order came from ye Counsell-
table. But ye issue was that after a
months impris-
onmente, ye
greatest parte were dismiste, & sent to
ye
places from whence they came; but 7. of ye prin-
cipall were
still kept in prison, and bound over to
ye
Assises.
The nexte spring after, ther was another
attempte
made by some
of these & others, to get over at an
other
place. And it so fell out, that they
light of a
Dutchman at
Hull, having a ship of his owne belong-
ing to
Zealand; they made agreemente with him, and
18 HISTORY OF [CHAP. II.
acquainted
[9] him with their condition, hoping to
find more
faithfullnes in him, then in ye former of
their owne
nation. He bad them not fear, for he
would doe
well enough. He was by appointment to
take them in
betweene Grimsbe & Hull, wher was a
large comone
a good way distante from any towne.
Now aganst
the prefixed time, the women & children,
with ye
goods, were sent to ye place in a small barke,
which they
had hired for yt end; and ye men were to
meete them
by land. But it so fell out, that they
were ther a
day before ye shipe came, & ye sea being
rough, and ye
women very sicke, prevailed with ye
seamen to
put into a creeke hardby, wher they lay on
ground at
lowwater. The nexte morning ye
shipe
came, but
they were fast, & could not stir till aboute
noone. In ye mean time, ye shipe maister,
perceive-
ing how ye
matter was, sente his boate to be getting
ye
men abord whom he saw ready, walking aboute ye
shore. But after ye first boat full was
gott abord, &
she was
ready to goe for more, the mr espied a greate
company,
both horse & foote, with bills, & gunes, &
other
weapons; for ye countrie was raised to take
them. Ye Dutch-man seeing yt,
swore his countries
oath,
"sacremente," and having ye wind faire, waiged
his Ancor,
hoysed sayles, & away. But ye
poore men
which were
gott abord, were in great distress for
their wives
and children, which they saw thus to be
taken, and
were left destitute of their helps; and
1608.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 19
them selves
also, not having a cloath to shifte them
with, more
then they had on their baks, & some
scarce a
peney aboute them, all they had being abord
ye
barke. It drew tears from their eyes,
and any thing
they had
they would have given to have been
a shore
againe; but all in vaine, ther was no remedy,
they must
thus sadly part. And afterward endured
a fearfull
storme at sea, being 14. days or more be-
fore yey
arived at their porte, in 7. wherof they
neither saw
son, moone, nor stars, & were driven
near ye
coast of Norway; the mariners them selves
often
despairing of life; and once with shriks & cries
gave over
all, as if ye ship had been foundred in ye
sea, &
they sinking without recoverie. But when
mans hope
& helpe wholy failed, ye Lords power &
mercie
appeared in ther recoverie; for ye ship rose
againe,
& gave ye mariners courage againe to manage
her. And if modestie woud suffer me, I might de-
clare with
what fervente [10] prayres they cried unto
ye
Lord in this great distres, (espetialy some of
them,) even
without any great distraction, when ye
water rane
into their mouthes & ears; & the mariners
cried out,
We sinke, we sinke; they cried (if not
with
mirakelous, yet with a great hight or degree of
devine
faith), Yet Lord thou canst save, yet Lord
thou canst
save; with shuch other expressions as I
will
forbeare. Upon which ye ship
did not only re-
cover, but
shortly after ye violence of ye storme be-
20 HISTORY OF [CHAP. II.
gane to
abate, and ye Lord filed their afllicted minds
with shuch
comforts as everyone canot understand,
and in ye
end brought them to their desired Haven,
wher ye
people came flockeing admiring their deliver-
ance, the
storme having been so longe & sore, in
which much
hurt had been don, as ye masters freinds
related unto
him in their congrattulations.
But to returne to ye others
wher we left. The rest
of ye
men yt were in greatest danger, made shift to
escape away
before ye troope could surprise them;
those only
staying yt best might, to be assistante unto
ye
women. But pitifull it was to see ye
heavie case
of these poore
women in this distress; what weeping
& crying
on every side, some for their husbands, that
were caried
away in ye ship as is before related;
others not
knowing what should become of them, &
their litle
ones; others againe melted in teares, see-
ing their
poore litle ones hanging aboute them, crying
for feare,
and quaking with could. Being thus apre-
hended, they
were hurried from one place to another,
and from one
justice to another, till in ye ende they
knew not
what to doe with them; for to imprison so
many women
& innocent children for no other cause
(many of
them) but that they must goe with their hus-
bands, semed
to be unreasonable and all would crie
out of them;
and to send them home againe was as
difficult,
for they aledged, as ye trueth was, they had
no homes to
goe to, for they had either sould, or other-
1608.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 21
wise
disposed of their houses & livings. To be shorte,
after they
had been thus turmolyed a good while, and
]conveyed
from one constable to another, they were glad
to be ridd
of them in ye end upon any termes; for all
were wearied
& tired with them. Though in ye
mean
time they
(poore soules) indured miserie enough; and
thus in ye
end necessitie forste a way for them.
But yt I be not tedious in these
things, I will omitte
ye
rest, though I might relate many other notable pas-
sages and
troubles which they endured & underwente
in these
their wanderings & travells both at land & sea;
but I hast
to [11] other things. Yet I may not omitte
ye
fruite that came hearby, for by these so publick
troubls, in
so many eminente places, their cause became
famouss,
& occasioned many to looke into ye same; and
their godly
cariage & Christian behaviour was such as
left a deep
impression in the minds of many. And
though some
few shrunk at these first conflicts & sharp
beginings,
(as it was no marvell,) yet many more came
on with
fresh courage, & greatly animated others.
And
in ye
end, notwithstanding all these stormes of oppossi-
tion, they
all gatt over at length, some at one time &
some at an
other, and some in one place & some in an
other, and
mette togeather againe according to their
desires,
with no small rejoycing. .
22 HISTORY OF [CHAP. III.
The 3. Chap.
Of their setling in Holand, & their
maner of living, &
entertainmente ther.
BEING now come into ye Low
Countries, they saw
many goodly
& fortified cities, strongly walled and
garded with
troopes of armed men. Also they heard
a strange
& uncouth language, and beheld ye differente
maners &
customes of ye people, with their strange
fashons and
attires; all so farre differing from yt of
their plaine
countrie villages (wherin they were bred,
& had so
longe lived) as it seemed they were come into
a new
world. But these were not ye
things they much
looked on,
or long tooke up their thoughts; for they
had other
work in hand, & an other kind of warr
to wage
& maintaine. For though they saw
faire &
bewtifull
cities, flowing with abundance of all sorts of
welth &
riches, yet it was not longe before they saw
the grime
& grisly face of povertie coming upon them
like an
armed man, with whom they must bukle &
incounter,
and from whom they could not flye; but
they were
armed with faith & patience against him, and
all his
encounters; and though they were sometimes
foyled, yet
by Gods assistance they prevailed and got
ye
victorie.
Now when Mr. Robinson, Mr.
Brewster, & other prin-
cipall
members were come over, (for they were of ye
1609.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 23
last, &
stayed to help ye weakest over before them,)
such things
were [12] thought on as were necessarie
for their
setting and best ordering of ye church affairs.
And when
they had lived at Amsterdam aboute a year,
Mr. Robinson,
their pastor, and some others of best
discerning,
seeing how Mr. John Smith and his com-
panie was
allready fallen in to contention with ye church
yt
was ther before them, & no means they could use
would doe
any good to cure ye same, and also that
ye
flames of contention were like to breake out in yt
anciente
church it selfe (as affterwards lamentably
came to
pass); which things they prudently foresee-
ing, thought
it was best to remove, before they were
any way
engaged with ye same; though they well knew
it would be
much to ye prejudice of their outward
estats, both
at presente & in licklyhood in ye future;
as indeed it
proved to be.
Their remoovall to Leyden.
For these &, some other reasons they
removed to Ley-
den, a fair
& bewtifull citie, and of a sweete situation,
but made
more famous by ye universitie wherwith it is
adorned, in
which of late had been so many learned
men. But wanting that traffike by sea which
Amster-
dam injoyes,
it was not so beneficiall for their outward
means of
living & estats. But being now hear
pitchet
they fell to
such trads & employments as they best
could;
valewing peace & their spirituall comforte above
24 HISTORY OF [CHAP. III.
any other
riches whatsoever. And at lenght they
came
to raise a
competente & comforteable living, but with
hard and
continuall labor.
Being thus setled (after many
difficulties) they con-
tinued many
years in a comfortable condition, injoying
much sweete
& delightefull societie & spirituall com-
forte
togeather in ye wayes of God, under ye able minis-
trie, and
prudente governmente of Mr. John Robinson,
& Mr.
William Brewster, who was an assistante unto
him in ye
place of an Elder, unto which he was now
called &
chosen by the church. So as they grew in
knowledge
& other gifts & graces of ye spirite of God,
& lived
togeather in peace, & love, and holines; and
many came
unto them from diverse parts of England,
so as they
grew a great congregation. And if at any
time any
differences arose, or offences broak [13] out
(as it
cannot be, but some time ther will, even amongst
ye
best of men) they were ever so mete with, and nipt
in ye
head betims, or otherwise so well composed, as
still love,
peace, and communion was continued; or els
ye
church purged of those that were incurable & incor-
rigible,
when, after much patience used, no other means
would serve,
which seldom came to pass. Yea such
was ye
mutuall love, & reciprocall respecte that this
worthy man
had to his flocke, and his flocke to him,
that it might
be said of them as it once was of yt
famouse
Emperour Marcus Aurelious,* and ye people of
* Goulden booke, &c.
1609-1620.] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 25
Rome, that
it was hard to judge wheather he delighted
more in
haveing shuch a people, or they in haveing
such a
pastor. His love was greate towards
them, and
his care was
all ways bente for their best good, both
for soule
and body; for besids his singuler abilities in
devine
things (wherin he excelled), he was also very
able to give
directions in civill affaires, and to foresee
dangers
& inconveniences; by wch means he was very
helpfull to
their outward estats, & so was every way
as a commone
father unto them. And none did more
offend him
then those that were close and cleaving to
them selves,
and retired from ye commoe good; as also
such as
would be stiffe & riged in matters of outward
order, and
invey against ye evills of others, and yet be
remisse in
them selves, and not so carefull to express
a vertuous
conversation. They in like maner had
ever
a reverente
regard unto him, & had him in precious
estimation,
as his worth & wisdom did deserve; and
though they
esteemed him highly whilst he lived &
laboured
amongst them, yet much more after his death,
when they
came to feele ye wante of his help, and saw
(by woefull
experience) what a treasure they had lost,
to ye
greefe of their harts, and wounding of their sowls;
yea such a
loss as they saw could not be repaired; for
it was as
hard for them to find such another leader
and feeder
in all respects, as for ye Taborits to find
another
Ziska. And though they did not call
them-
selves
orphans, as the other did, after his death, yet
26 HISTORY OF [CHAP. III.
they had
cause as much to lamente, in another regard,
their present
condition, and. after usage. But to re-
turne; I
know not but it may be spoken to ye honour
of God,
& without prejudice [14] to any, that such
was ye
true pietie, ye humble zeale, & fervent love, of
this people
(whilst they thus lived together) towards
God and his
waies, and ye single hartednes & sinceir
affection
one towards another, that they came as near
ye
primative patterne of ye first churches, as any other
church of
these later times have done, according to
their ranke
& qualitie.
But
seeing it is not my purpose to treat of ye sev-
erall
passages that befell this people whilst they thus
lived in ye
Low Countries, (which might worthily re-
quire a
large treatise of it selfe,) but to make way to
shew ye
begining of this plantation, which is that I
aime at; yet
because some of their adversaries did,
upon ye
rumore of their removall, cast out slanders
against
them, as if that state had been wearie of them,
& had
rather driven them out (as ye heathen histo-
rians did
faine of Moyses & ye Isralits when they
went out of
Egipte), then yt it was their owne free
choyse &
motion, I will therfore mention a perticuler
or too to
shew ye contrary, and ye good acceptation
they had in
ye place wher they lived. And
first
though many
of them weer poore, yet ther was none
so poore,
but if they were known to be of yt con-
gregation,
the Dutch (either bakers or others) would
1609-1620] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 27
trust them
in any reasonable matter when yey wanted
money. Because they had found by experience how
carfull they
were to keep their word, and saw them so
painfull
& dilligente in their callings; yea, they would
strive to
gett their custome, and to imploy them above
others, in
their worke, for their honestie & diligence.
Againe; ye magistrats of ye
citie, aboute ye time of
their coming
away, or a litle before, in ye publick
place of
justice, gave this comendable testemoney of
them, in ye
reproofe of the Wallons, who were of ye
French
church in yt citie. These English,
said they,
have lived
amongst us now this 12. years, and yet we
never had
any sute or accusation came against any of
them; but
your strifs & quarels are continuall, &c.
In these
times allso were ye great troubls raised by
ye
Arminians, who, as they greatly mollested ye whole
state, so
this citie in particuler, in which was ye
cheefe
universitie; so as ther were dayly & hote dis-
puts in ye
schooles ther aboute; and as ye studients &
other lerned
were devided in their oppinions hearin,
so were ye
2. proffessors or devinitie readers them
selves; the
one daly teaching for it, ye other against
it. Which grew to that pass, that few of the
discipls
of ye
one would hear ye other teach.
But Mr. Rob-
inson,
though he taught thrise a weeke him selfe, &
write
sundrie books, besids his manyfould pains other-
wise, yet he
went constantly [15] to hear ther read-
ings, and
heard ye one as well as ye other; by which
28 HISTORY OF [CHAP. III.
means he was
so well grounded in ye controversie,
and saw ye
force of all their arguments, and knew ye
shifts of ye
adversarie, and being him selfe very able,
none was
fitter to buckle with them then him selfe, as
appered by
sundrie disputs; so as he begane to be
terrible to
ye Arminians; which made Episcopius (ye
Arminian
professor) to put forth his best stringth, and
set forth
sundrie Theses, which by publick dispute he
would defend
against all men. Now Poliander ye
other
proffessor, and ye cheefe preachers of ye citie,
desired Mr.
Robinson to dispute against him; but he
was loath,
being a stranger; yet the other did impor-
tune him,
and tould him yt such was ye abilitie and
nimblnes of
ye adversarie, that ye truth would suffer
if he did
not help them. So as he condescended,
&
prepared him
selfe against the time; and when ye day
came, the
Lord did so help him to defend ye truth &
foyle this
adversarie, as he put him to an apparent
nonplus, in
this great & publike audience. And ye
like he did
a 2. or 3. time, upon such like occasions.
The which as
it caused many to praise God yt the
trueth had
so famous victory, so it procured him
much honour
& respecte from those lerned men &
others which
loved ye trueth. Yea, so farr
were they
from being
weary of him & his people, or desiring
their
absence, as it was said by some, of no mean
note, that
were it not for giveing offence to ye state
of England,
they would have preferd him otherwise if
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 29
he would,
and alowd them some publike favour. Yea
when ther
was speech of their remoovall into these
parts,
sundrie of note & eminencie of yt nation would
have had
them come under them, and for yt end made
them large
offers. Now though I might aledg many
other
perticulers & examples of ye like kinde, to shew
ye
untruth & unlicklyhode of this slander, yet these
shall
suffice, seeing it was beleeved of few, being only
raised by ye
malice of some, who laboured their
disgrace.
The 4. Chap.
Showing ye reasons & causes of their
remoovall.
AFTER they had lived in this citie about
some 11.
or 12.
years, (which is ye more observable being ye
whole time
of yt famose truce between that state &
ye
Spaniards,) and sundrie of them were taken away
by death,
& many others begane to be well striken in
years, the grave
mistris Experience haveing taught
them many
things, [16] those prudent governours with
sundrie of ye
sagest members begane both deeply to
apprehend
their present dangers, & wisely to foresee
ye
future, & thinke of timly remedy. In
ye agitation
of their
thoughts, and much discours of things hear
aboute, at
length they began to incline to this conclu-
sion, of
remoovall to some other place. Not out
of
any
newfanglednes, or other such like giddie humor,
by which men
are oftentimes transported to their
great hurt
& danger, but for sundrie weightie & solid
30 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IV.
reasons;
some of ye cheefe of which I will hear breefly
touch. And first, they saw & found by experience
the
hardnes of ye
place & countrie to be such, as few in
comparison
would come to them, and fewer that would
bide it out,
and continew with them. For many yt
came to
them, and many more yt desired to be with
them, could
not endure yt great labor and hard fare,
with other
inconveniences which they underwent &
were
contented with. But though they loved
their
persons,
approved their cause, and honoured their suf-
ferings, yet
they left them as it weer weeping, as
Orpah did
her mother in law Naomie, or as those
Romans did
Cato in Utica, who desired to be excused
& borne
with, though they could not all be Catoes.
For many,
though they desired to injoye ye ordinances
of God in
their puritie, and ye libertie of the gospell
with them,
yet, alass, they admitted of bondage, with
danger of
conscience, rather then to indure these hard-
ships; yea,
some preferred & chose ye prisons in Eng-
land, rather
then this libertie in Holland, with these
afflictions. But it was thought that if a better and
easier place
of living could be had, it would draw many,
& take
away these discouragments. Yea, their
pastor
would often
say, that many of those wo both wrate &
preached now
against them, if they were in a place
wher they
might have libertie and live comfortably,
they would
then practise as they did.
21y. They saw that though ye people
generally bore
1620.] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 31
all these
difficulties very cherfully, & with a resolute
courage,
being in ye best & strength of their years, yet
old age
began to steale on many of them, (and their
great &
continuall labours, with other crosses and sor-
rows,
hastened it before ye time,) so as it was not only
probably
thought, but apparently seen, that within a
few years
more they would be in danger to scatter, by
necessities
pressing them, or sinke under their burdens,
or
both. And therfore according to ye
devine proverb,
yt
a wise man seeth ye plague when it cometh, & hideth
him selfe,
Pro. 22. 3., so they like skillfull & beaten
souldiers
were fearfull either to be intrapped or sur-
rounded by
their enimies, so as they should neither be
able to
fight nor flie; and therfor thought it better to
dislodge
betimes to some place of better advantage &
less danger,
if any such could be found. [16] Thirdly;
as
necessitie was a taskmaster over them, so they were
forced to be
such, not only to their servants, but in a
sorte, to
their dearest chilldren; the which as it did not
a title
wound ye tender harts of many a loving father &
mother, so
it produced likwise sundrie sad & sorowful
effects. For many of their children, that were of best
dispositions
and gracious inclinations, haveing lernde
to bear ye
yoake in their youth, and willing to bear
parte of
their parents burden, were, often times, so
oppressed
with their hevie labours, that though their
minds were
free and willing, yet their bodies bowed
under ye
weight of ye same, and became decreped in
32 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IV.
their early
youth; the vigor of nature being consumed
in ye
very budd as it were. But that which was
more
lamentable,
and of all sorowes most heavie to be borne,
was that
many of their children, by these occasions,
and ye
great licentiousnes of youth in yt countrie, and
ye
manifold temptations of the place, were drawne away
by evill
examples into extravagante & dangerous courses,
getting ye
raines off their neks, & departing from their
parents. Some became souldiers, others tooke upon
them farr
viages by sea, and other some worse courses,
tending to
dissolutnes & the danger of their soules, to
ye
great greefe of their parents and dishonour of God.
So that they
saw their posteritie would be in danger
to
degenerate & be corrupted.
Lastly, (and which was not least,) a great
hope &
inward zeall
they had of laying some good foundation,
or at least
to make some way therunto, for ye propagat-
ing &
advancing ye gospell of ye kingdom of Christ in
those remote
parts of ye world; yea, though they should
be but even
as stepping-stones unto others for ye per-
forming of
so great a work.
These, & some other like reasons, moved
them to
undertake
this resolution of their removall; the which
they
afterward prosecuted with so great difficulties, as
by the
sequell will appeare.
The place they had thoughts on was some of
those
vast &
unpeopled countries of America, which are frut-
full &
fitt for habitation, being devoyd of all civill
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 33
inhabitants,
wher ther are only salvage & brutish men,
which range
up and downe, litle otherwise then ye wild
beasts of
the same. This proposition being made
pub-
like and
coming to ye scaning of all, it raised many
variable
opinions amongst men, and caused many fears
& doubts
amongst them selves. Some, from their
reasons
& hops conceived, laboured to stirr up & in-
courage the
rest to undertake & prosecute ye same;
others,
againe, out of their fears, objected against it,
& sought
to diverte from it, aledging many things, and
those
neither unreasonable nor unprobable; as that it,
was a great
designe, and subjecte to many unconceivable
perills
& dangers; as, besids the casulties of ye seas
(which none
can be freed from) the length of ye vioage
was such, as
ye weake bodys of women and other
persons
worne out with age & traville (as many
of them
were) could never be able to endure. And
yet
if they
should, the miseries of ye land which they
should be
[17] exposed unto, would be to hard to be
borne; and
lickly, some or all of them togeither, to
consume
& utterly to ruinate them. For ther
they
should be
liable to famine, and nakednes, & ye wante,
in a maner,
of all things. The chang of aire, diate,
&
drinking of
water, would, infecte their bodies with sore
sickneses,
and greevous diseases. And also those
which
should
escape or overcome these difficulties, should yett
be in
continuall danger of ye salvage people, who are
cruell,
barbarous, & most trecherous, being most furious
34 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IV.
in their
rage, and merciles wher they overcome; not
being
contente only to kill, & take away life, but delight
to tormente
men in ye most bloodie maner that may be ;
fleaing some
alive with ye shells of fishes, cutting of ye
members
& joynts of others by peesmeale, and broiling
on ye
coles, eate ye collops of their flesh in their sight
whilst they
live; with other cruelties horrible to be
related. And surely it could not be thought but ye
very hearing
of these things could not but move ye
very bowels
of men to grate within them, and make ye
weake to
quake & tremble. It was furder objected,
that it
would require greater sumes of money to furnish
such a
voiage, and to fitt them with necessaries, then
their
consumed estats would amounte too; and yett
they must as
well looke to be seconded with supplies,
as presently
to be trasported. Also many presidents
of ill
success, & lamentable misseries befalne others in
the like
designes, were easie to be found, and not for-
gotten to be
aledged; besids their owne experience,
in their
former troubles & hardships in their removall
into Holand,
and how hard a thing it was for them to
live in that
strange place, though it was a neighbour
countrie,
& a civill and rich comone wealth.
It was answered, that all great &
honourable actions
are
accompanied with great difficulties, and must be
both
enterprised and overcome with answerable cour-
ages. It was granted ye dangers were
great, but not
desperate;
the difficulties were many, but not invincible.
1620.]
For though
their were many of them likly, yet they
were not
cartaine; it might be sundrie of ye things
feared might
never befale; others by providente care
& ye use
of good means, might in a great measure
be
prevented; and all of them, through ye help of God,
by fortitude
and patience, might either be borne, or
overcome. True it was, that such atempts were not
to be made
and undertaken without good ground &
reason; not
rashly or lightly as many have done for
curiositie
or hope of gaine, &c. But their
condition
was not
ordinarie; their ends were good & honourable;
their
calling lawfull, & urgente; and therfore they might
expecte ye
blessing of God in their proceding. Yea,
though they
should loose their lives in this action, yet
might they
have comforte in the same, and their en-
deavors would
be honourable. They lived hear but
as men in
exile, & in a poore condition; and as great
miseries
might possibly befale them in this place, for
ye
12. years of truce were now out, & ther was nothing
but beating
of drumes, and preparing for warr, the
events
wherof are all way uncertaine. Ye
Spaniard
might prove
as cruell as [18] the salvages of America,
and ye
famine and pestelence as sore hear as ther, &
their
libertie less to looke out for remedie.
After
many other
perticuler things answered & aledged on
both sids,
it was fully concluded by ye major parte,
to put this
designe in execution, and to prosecute it
by the best
means they could.
36 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V.
The 5. Chap.
Shewing what means they used for
preparation to this
waightie vioag.
AND first after thir humble praiers unto
God for his
direction
& assistance, & a generall conferrence held
hear aboute,
they consulted what perticuler place to
pitch upon,
& prepare for. Some (& none of ye
meanest) had
thoughts & were ernest for
some of
those fertill places in those hott climats;
others were
for some parts of
English had
all ready made enterance, & begining.
Those for
fruitfull,
& blessed with a perpetuall spring, and a
florishing
greenes; where vigorous nature brought
forth all
things in abundance & plentie without any
great labour
or art of man. So as it must needs
make ye
inhabitants rich, seing less provisions of cloth-
ing and other
things would serve, then in more coulder
& less
frutfull countries must be had. As also
yt the
Spaniards
(having much more then they could possess)
had not yet
planted there, nor any where very near
ye
same. But to this it was answered, that
out of
question ye
countrie was both frutfull and pleasante,
and might
yeeld riches & maintenance to ye possessors,
more easily
then ye other; yet, other things con-
sidered, it
would not be so fitt for them. And
first,
1617.]
yt
such hott countries are subject to greevuos diseases,
and many
noysome impediments, which other more
temperate
places are freer from, and would not so
well agree
with our English bodys. Againe, if they
should ther
live, & doe well, the jealous Spaniard
would never
suffer them long, but would displante
or overthrow
them, as he did ye French in
who were
seated furder from his richest countries;
and the
sooner because they should have none to
protect
them, & their owne strength would be too
smale to
resiste so potent an enemie, & so neare a
neighbor.
On ye other hand, for
if they
lived among ye English wch wear ther planted,
or so near
them as to be under their goverment, they
should be in
as great danger to be troubled and per-
secuted for
the cause of religion, as if they lived in
too farr of,
they should neither have succour, nor de-
fence from
them.
But at length ye conclusion was,
to live as a dis-
tincte body
by them selves, under ye generall Gover-
ment of
majestie
that he would be pleased to grant them free-
dome of
Religion; and yt this might be obtained, they
wear putt in
good hope by some great persons, of
good ranke
& qualitie, that were made their freinds.
Whereupon 2.
were chosen [19] & sent in to
38 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V.
(at ye
charge of ye rest) to sollicite this matter, who
found the
Virginia Company very desirous to have
them goe
thither, and willing to grante them a patent,
with as
ample priviliges as they had, or could grant
to any, and
to give them the best furderance they
could. And some of ye cheefe of yt
company douted
not to
obtaine their suite of ye king for liberty in Re-
ligion, and
to have it confirmed under ye kings broad
seale,
according to their desires. But it
prooved a
harder peece
of worke then they tooke it for; for
though many
means were used to bring it aboute, yet
it could not
be effected; for ther were diverse of
good worth
laboured with the king to obtaine it,
(amongst
whom was one of his cheefe secretaries,*)
and some
other wrought with ye archbishop to give
way
therunto; but it proved all in vaine.
Yet thus
farr they
prevailed, in sounding his majesties mind,
that he
would connive at them, & not molest them,
provided
they carried them selves peacably. But
to
allow or
tolerate them by his publick authoritie, under
his seale,
they found it would not be. And this was
all the
cheefe of ye
their best
freinds could doe in ye case.
Yet they per-
swaded them
to goe on, for they presumed they
should not
be troubled. And with this answer ye
mes-
sengers
returned, and signified what diligence had bene
used, and to
what issue things were come.
* Sr Robert Nanton.
1617.]
But this made a dampe in ye
busines, and caused
some
distraction, for many were afraid that if they
should
unsetle them selves, & put of their estates,
and goe upon
these hopes, it might prove dangerous,
and but a
sandie foundation. Yea, it was thought
they might
better have presumed hear upon without
makeing any
suite at all, then, haveing made it, to be
thus
rejected. But some of ye
cheefest thought other
wise, and yt
they might well proceede hereupon, &
that ye
kings majestie was willing enough to suffer
them without
molestation, though for other reasons he
would not
confirme it by any publick acte. And
fur-
dermore, if
ther was no securitie in this promise inti-
mated, ther
would be no great certainty in a furder
confirmation
of ye same; for if after wards ther should
be a purpose
or desire to wrong them, though they
had a seale
as broad as ye house flore, it would not
serve ye
turne; for ther would be means enew found
to recall or
reverse it. Seeing therfore the course
was
probable, they must rest herein on Gods provi-
dence, as
they had done in other things.
Upon this resolution, other messengers were
dis-
patched, to
end with ye Virginia Company as well as
they
could. And to procure [20] a patent with
as
good and
ample conditions as they might by any good
means
obtaine. As also to treate and conclude
with
such
merchants and other freinds as had manifested
their
forwardnes to provoke too and adventure in this
40 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V.
vioage. For
which end they had instructions given
them upon
what conditions they should proceed with
them, or els
to conclude nothing without further ad-
vice. And here it will be requisite to inserte a
letter
or too that
may give light to these proceedings.
A coppie of leter from Sr:
Edwin Sands, directed to Mr. John
Robinson &; Mr. William
Brewster.
After my hartie salutations. The agents of
your congre-
gation,
Robert Cushman & John Carver, have been in
comunication
with diverse selecte gentlemen of his Majesties
Counsell for
scribed with
your names, have given them yt good degree of
satisfaction,
which hath caried them on with a resolution to
sett forward
your desire in ye best sorte yt may be, for your
owne &
the publick good. Divers perticulers wherof we leave
to their
faith full reporte; having carried them selves heere with
that good discretion,
as is both to their owne and their credite
from whence
they came. And wheras being to treate for a
multitude of
people, they have requested further time to con-
ferr with
them that are to be interessed in this action, aboute
ye severall
particularities which in ye prosecution therof will
fall out
considerable, it hath been very willingly assented too.
And so they
doe now returne unto you. If therfore it
may
please God
so to directe your desires as that on your parts
ther fall
out no just impediments, I trust by ye same direction
it shall
likewise appear, that on our parte, all forwardnes to
set yon
forward shall be found in ye best sorte which with
reason may
be expected. And so I betake you with
this
designe (wch
I hope verily is ye worke of God), to the gracious
protection
and blessing of ye Highest.
Ano: 1617. EDWIN
SANDYS.
1617.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 41
Their answer
was as foloweth.
Righte Worpl:
Our humble duties remembred, in our owne
our messengers,
and our
churches name, with all thankfull acknowledgmente
of your
singuler love, expressing [21] itselfe, as otherwise, so
more
spetially in your great care and earnest endeavor of our
good in this
weightie bussines aboute Virginia, which ye less
able we are
to requite, we shall thinke our selves the more
bound to
comend in our prayers unto God for recompence;
whom, as for
ye presente you rightly behould in our
indeavors,
so shall we
not be wanting on our parts (the same God assist-
ing us) to
returne all answerable fruite, and respecte unto ye
labour of
your love bestowed upon us. We have with
ye best
speed and
consideration withall that we could, sett downe our
requests in
writing, subscribed, as you willed, wth the
hands of
ye greatest parte of our congregation, and have sente ye same
unto ye Counsell by our agente, & a deacon of our church,
John Carver,
unto whom we have also requested a gentleman
of our
company to adyone him selfe; to the care & discretion
of which
two, we doe referr ye prosecuting of ye bussines.
Now we
perswade our selves Right Worpp:
that we need not
provoke your
godly & loving minde to any further or more,
tender care
of us, since you have pleased so farr to interest us
in your
selfe, that, under God, above all persons and things
in the
world, we relye upon you, expecting the care of your
love,
counsell of your wisdome, & the help & countenance of
your
authority. Notwithstanding, for your
encouragmente in
ye worke, so farr as probabilities may leade, we will not for-
beare to
mention these instances of indusmente.
1.
We veryly beleeve & trust ye Lord
is with us, unto whom
& whose
service we have given our selves in many trialls; and
that he will
graciously prosper our indeavours according to ye
simplicitie
of our harts therin.
42 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V.
21y. We are well weaned from ye delicate milke of
our mother
countrie,
and enured to ye difficulties of a strange and hard
land, which
yet in a great parte we have by patience overcome.
31y. The people are for the body of them,
industrious, &
frugall, we
thinke we may safly say, as any company of people
in the
world.
41y. We are knite togeather as a body in a most
stricte &
sacred bond
and covenante of the Lord, of the violation*
wherof we
make great conscience, and by vertue wherof we
doe hould
our selves straitly tied to all care of each others
good, and of
ye whole by every one and so mutually.
5.
Lastly, it is not with us as with other men, whom small
things can
discourage, or small discontentments cause to wish
them selves
at home againe. We knowe our
entertainmente in
arts &
means by removall; who, if we should be driven to
returne, we
should not hope to recover our present helps and
comforts,
neither indeed looke ever, for our selves, to attaine
unto ye
like in any other place during our lives, wch are now
drawing
towards their periods.
[22] These motives we have been bould to
tender unto you,
*NOTE. -- 0
sacred bond, whilst inviollably preserved! how sweete and
precious
were the fruits that flowed from ye same, but when this fidelity de-
cayed, then
their ruine approached. 0 that these
anciente members had not
dyed, or
been dissipated, (if it had been the will of God) or els that this holy
care and
constante faithfullnes had still lived, and remained with those that
survived,
and were in times afterwards added unto them. But (alass) that sub-
till serpente
hath slylie wound in himselfe under faire pretences of necessitie
and ye like, to untwiste these sacred bonds and tyes, and as it were
insensibly
by degrees
to dissolve, or in a great measure to weaken, ye same. I have been
happy, in my
first times, to see, and with much comforte to injoye, the blessed
fruits of
this sweete communion, but it is now a parte of my miserie in old age,
to find and
feele ye decay and wante therof (in a great
measure), and with
greefe and
sorrow of hart to lamente & bewaile ye
same. And for others warn-
ing and
admonnition, and my owne humiliation, doe I hear note ye same.
[The above
reflections of the author were penned at a later period, on the
reverse
pages of his History, at this place.]
1617.]
which you in
your wisdome may also imparte to any other our
worpp: freinds of ye
Counsell with you; of all whose godly dis-
possition
and loving towards our despised persons, we are most
glad, &
shall not faile by all good means to continue & in-
crease ye same. We will not be
further troublesome, but doe,
with ye renewed remembrance of our humble duties to your
Worpp: and (so farr as in modestie we may be bould) to any
other of our
wellwillers of the Counsell with you, we take our
leaves,
comiting your persons and counsels to ye
guidance and
direction of
the Almighty.
Yours much bounden in all duty,
Ano: 1617. WILLIAM
BREWSTER.
For further
light in these proceedings see some other letters
& notes
as followeth.
The coppy of a letter sent to Sr. John
Worssenham.
Right Worpll: with due acknowledgmente of our thankfullnse
for your
singular care & pains in the bussines of
our, &,
we hope, the comone good, we doe remember our
humble dutys
unto you, and have sent inclosed, as is required,
a further
explanation of our judgments in the 3. points specified
by some of
his majesties Honbl Privie Counsell; and though it
be greevious
unto us that such unjust insinuations are made
against us,
yet we are most glad of ye occasion of making our
just
purgation unto so honourable personages.
The declara-
tions we
have sent inclosed, the one more breefe & generall,
which we
thinke ye fitter to be presented; the other something
more large,
and in which we express some smale accidentall
differances,
which if it seeme good unto you and other of our
worpl freinds, you may send in stead of ye former. Our prayers
unto God is,
yt your Worpp may see the frute of your worthy
44 HISTORY OF [CHAP. v.
endeaours,
which on our parts we shall not faile to furder by
all good
means in us. And so praing yt you would please with
ye
convenientest speed yt may be, to give us knowledge of ye
success of ye
bussines with his majesties Privie Counsell, and
accordingly
what your further pleasure is, either for our direc-
tion or
furtherance in ye same, so we rest
Your Worpp in all duty,
Leyden, J an: 27. JOHN ROBINSON,
Ano:
1617. old stile. WILLIAM
BREWSTER.
The first breefe note was this.
Touching ye Ecclesiasticall ministrie, namly of pastores for
teaching,
elders for ruling, & deacons for distributing ye
churches
contribution, as allso for ye too Sacrements, bap-
tisme, and ye Lords supper, we doe wholy and in all points
agree [23]
with ye French reformed churches, according to
their
publick confession of faith.
The oath of Supremacie we shall willingly
take if it be
required of
us, and that conveniente satisfaction be not given
by our
taking ye oath of Alleagence.
JOHN ROB:
WILLIAM BREWSTER,
Ye 2. was this.
Touching ye Ecclesiasticall ministrie,
&c. as in ye former,
we agree in
all things with the French reformed churches,
according to
their publick confession of faith; though some
small
differences be to be found in our practises, not at all
in ye substance of the things, but only in some accidentall
circumstances.
1. As first, their ministers doe pray with their
heads cov-
ered; ours
uncovered.
2. We chose none for Governing Elders but such
as are
able to
teach; which abilitie they doe not require.
1617.]
3.
Their elders & deacons are anuall, or at most for 2. or
3. years;
ours perpetuall.
4.
Our elders doe administer their office in admonitions &
excommunications
for publick scandals, publickly & before
ye
congregation; theirs more privately, & in their consistories.
5.
We doe administer baptisme only to such infants as
wherof ye
one parente, at ye least, is of some church, which
some of ther
churches doe not observe; though in it our prac-
tice accords
with their publick confession and ye judgmente of
ye
most larned amongst them.
Other differences, worthy mentioning, we
know none in these
points. Then aboute ye oath, as in ye
former.
Subscribed, JOHN R.
W. B.
Part of another letter from him that
delivered these.
London. Feb:
14.
1617.
Your letter
to Sr. John Worstenholme I delivered allmost
as soone as
I had it, to his owne hands, and staid with him
ye opening & reading.
Ther were 2. papers inclosed, he read
them to him
selfe, as also ye letter, and in ye reading he spake
to me &
said, Who shall make them? viz. ye ministers; I
answered his
Worpp that ye
power of making was in ye church,
to be
ordained by ye imposition of hands, by ye fittest instru-
ments they
had. It must either be in ye church or from ye
pope, &
ye pope is Antichrist. Ho! said Sr.
John, what ye
pope houlds
good, (as in ye Trinitie,) that we doe well to
assente too;
but, said he, we will not enter into dispute now.
And as for
your letters he would not show them at any hand,
least he
should spoyle all. He expected you
should have been
of ye archbp minde for ye calling of ministers, but it seems you
differed. I could have wished to have known ye contents of
your tow
inclosed, at wch he stuck so much, espetially ye larger.
46 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V.
I asked his
Worp what good news he had for me to write to
morrow. He tould me very good news, for both the
kings
majestie and
ye bishops have consented. He said he would
goe to Mr.
Chancelor, Sr. Fulk Grivell, as this day, & nexte
weeke I
should know more. I mett Sr. Edw: Sands on Wedens-
day night;
he wished me to be at the Virginia Courte ye
nexte
Wedensday,
wher I purpose to be. Thus loath to be
troubl-
some at
present, I hope to have somewhate nexte week of
certentie
concerning you. I comitte you to ye Lord. Yours,
S.
B.
[24] These
things being long in agitation, & mes-
sengers
passing too and againe aboute them, after all
their hopes
they were long delayed by many rubs that
fell in ye
way; for at ye returne of these messengers
into England
they found things farr otherwise then
they
expected. For ye Virginia Counsell was
now so
disturbed
with factions and quarrels amongst them
selves, as
no bussines could well goe forward. The
which may
the better appear in one of ye messengers
letters as
followeth.
To his loving freinds, &c.
I had thought long since to have write
unto you, but could
not effecte
yt which I aimed at, neither can yet sett things as
I wished;
yet, notwithstanding, I doubt not but Mr. B. hath
writen to Mr.
Robinson. But I thinke my selfe bound
also
to doe
something, least I be thought to neglecte you.
The
maine hinderance
of our proseedings in ye Virginia bussines,
is ye
dissentions and factions, as they terme it, amongs ye
Counsell
& Company of Virginia; which are such, as that
1619.] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 47
ever since
we came up no busines could by them be dis-
patched. The occasion of this trouble amongst them is,
for
that a while
since Sr. Thomas Smith, repining at his many
offices
& troubls, wished ye Company of Virginia to ease him
of his
office in being Treasurer & Goverr. of
ye Virginia Com-
pany. Wereupon ye
Company tooke occasion to dismisse him,
and chose Sr. Edwin Sands Treasurer & Goverr of ye Company.
He having
60. voyces, Sr. John Worstenholme 16. voices, and
Alderman
Johnsone 24. But Sr. Thomas Smith, when he saw
some parte
of his honour lost, was very angrie, & raised a
faction to
cavill & contend aboute ye
election, and sought to
taxe Sr. Edwin with many things that might both disgrace him,
and allso
put him by his office of Governour. In
which con-
tentions
they yet stick, and are not fit nor readie to intermedle
in any
bussines; and what issue things will come to we are
not yet
certaine. It is most like Sr. Edwin will carrie it away,
and if he
doe, things will goe well in Virginia; if otherwise,
they will
goe ill enough allways. We hope in some
2. or 3.
Court days
things will setle. Mean space I thinke
to goe
downe into
Kente, & come up againe aboute 14. days, or 3.
weeks hence;
except either by these afforesaid contentions,
or by ye ille tidings from Virginia, we be wholy discouraged,
of which
tidings I am now to speake.
Captaine Argoll is come home this weeke
(he upon notice
of ye intente of ye Counsell, came away before Sr. Georg
Yeardley
came ther, and so ther is no small dissention).
But
his tidings
are ill, though his person be wellcome.
He saith
Mr.
Blackwells shipe came not ther till March, but going
towards
winter, they had still norwest winds, which carried
them to the
southward beyond their course. And ye mr of
ye ship & some 6. of ye mariners
dieing, it seemed they could
not find ye bay, till after long seeking & beating aboute. Mr.
Blackwell is
dead, & Mr. Maggner, ye Captain; yea, ther are
dead, he
saith, 130. persons, one & other in yt
ship; it is said
48 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V.
ther was in
all an 180. persons in ye ship, so as they were
packed
togeather like herings. They had amongst
them ye
fluxe, and
allso wante of fresh water; so as it is hear rather
wondred at yt so many are alive, then that so many are dead.
The marchants
hear say it was Mr. Blackwells faulte to pack
so many in ye ship; yea, & ther were great mutterings & repin-
ings amongst
them, and upbraiding of Mr. Blackwell, for his
dealing and
dispossing of them, when they saw how he had
dispossed of
them, & how he insulted over them.
Yea, ye
streets at
Gravsend runge of their extreame quarrelings, cry-
ing out one
of another, Thou hast brought me to this, and, I
may thanke
the for this. Heavie newes it is, and I
would be
glad to
heare how farr it will discourage. I see
none hear dis-
couraged
much, [25] but rather desire to larne to beware by
other mens
harmes, and to amend that wherin they have failed.
As we desire
to serve one another in love, so take heed of
being
inthraled by any imperious persone, espetially if they be
discerned to
have an eye to them selves. It doth
often trouble
me to thinke
that in this bussines we are all to learne and none
to teach;
but better so, then to depend upon such teachers as
Mr. Blackwell was. Such a
strategeme he once made for Mr.
Johnson
& his people at Emden, wch was
their subversion. But
though he
ther clenlily (yet unhonstly) plucked his neck out
of ye collar, yet at last his foote is caught. Hear are no
letters
come, ye ship captain Argole came in is yet in ye west
parts; all yt we hear is but his report; it seemeth he
came
away
secretly. The ship yt Mr. Blackwell went in will be hear
shortly. It is as Mr.
Robinson once said; he thought we should
hear no good
of them.
Mr. B.
is not well at this time; whether he will come back
to you or
goe into ye north, I yet know not. For my selfe,
I hope to
see an end of this bussines ere I come, though I am
sorie to be
thus from you; if things had gone roundly forward,
I should
have been with you within these 14. days.
I pray
1619] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 49
God directe
us, and give us that spirite which is fitting for
such a
bussines. Thus having sumarily pointed
at things wch
Mr. Brewster (I thinke) hath more largly write of to Mr. Robin-
son, I leave
you to the Lords protection.
Yours in all readines, &c. London,
May 8.
ROBART CUSHMAN. Ano:
1619.
A word or tow by way of digression
touching this
Mr.
Blackwell; he was an elder of ye church at Am-
sterdam, a
man well known of most of them. He
declined
from ye trueth wth Mr. Johnson & ye rest,
and went
with him when yey parted assunder in yt
wofull
maner, wch brought so great dishonour to God,
scandall to
ye trueth, & outward ruine to them selves
in this
world. But I hope, notwithstanding,
through
ye
mercies of ye Lord, their souls are now at rest with
him in ye
heavens, and yt they are arrived in ye Haven
of hapines;
though some of their bodies were thus
buried in ye
terrable seas, and others sunke under ye
burthen of
bitter affiictions. He with some others
had
prepared for
to goe to Virginia. And he, with sundrie
godly
citizens, being at a private meeing (I take it a
fast) in
London, being discovered, many of them were
apprehended,
wherof Mr. Blackwell was one; but he
so glosed wth
ye bps,* and either dissembled or flatly
denyed ye
trueth which formerly he had maintained;
and not only
so, but very unworthily betrayed and
accused
another godly man who had escaped, that so
* Bishops.
50 HISTORY OF [CHAP. V.
he might
slip his own neck out of ye collar, & to
obtaine his
owne freedome brought others into bonds.
Wherupon he
so wone ye bps favour (but lost ye Lord's)
as he was
not only dismiste, but in open courte ye arch-
bishop gave
him great applause and his sollemne bless-
ing to
proseed in his vioage. But if such
events follow
ye
bps blessing, happie are they yt misse ye same; it
is much
better to keepe a good conscience and have
ye
Lords blessing, whether in life or death.
But see how ye man thus
apprehended by Mr. Black-
wells means,
writs to a freind of his.
Right dear freind & christian
brother, Mr. Carver, I salute
you &
yours in ye Lord, &c. As
for my owne presente con-
dition, I
doubt not but yon well understand it ere this by our
brother
Maistersone, who should have tasted of ye same cupp,
had his
place of residence & his person been as well knowne
as my
selfe. Some what I have written to Mr. Cushman how
ye matter still continues. I
have petitioned twise to Mr.
Sherives,
and once
to my Lord Cooke, and have used such reasons to
move them to
pittie, that if they were not overruled by some
others, I
suppose I should soone gaine my libertie; as that I
was a yonge
man living by my [26] credite, indebted to diverse
in our
citie, living at more then ordinarie charges in a close &
tedious
prison; besids great rents abroad, all my bnssines lying
still, my
only servante lying lame in ye
countrie, my wife being
also great
with child. And yet no answer till ye lords of his
majesties
Connsell gave consente. Howbeit, Mr. Blackwell,
a man as
deepe in this action as I, was delivered at a cheaper
rate, with a
great deale less adoe; yea, with an addition of
ye Archp: blessing. I am sorie for Mr. Blackwels weaknes, I
wish it may
prove no worse. But yet he & some
others of
1618.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 51
them, before
their going, were not sorie, but thought it was for
ye best that I was nominated, not because ye Lord sanctifies evill
to good, but
that ye action was good, yea for ye best. One
reason I
well remember he used was, because this trouble
would
encrease ye Virginia plantation, in that now people
be-
gane to be
more generally inclined to goe; and if he had not
nomminated
some such as I, he had not bene free, being it was
knowne that
diverse citizens besids them selves were ther.
I expecte an
answer shortly what they intende conscerning
me; I
purpose to write to some others of you, by whom you
shall know
the certaintie. Thus not haveing further
at present
to acquaint
you withall, comending myselfe to your prair's, I
cease, &
comitte you and us all to ye Lord.
From my chamber in Wodstreete Compter.
Your freind, & brother in bonds,
SABIN STARESMORE.
Septr: 4. Ano: 1618.
But thus much by ye way, which may be of
instruc-
tion &
good use.
But at last, after all these things, and
their long
attendance,
they had a patent granted them, and con-
firmed under
ye Companies seale; but these devissions
and
distractions had shaken of many of ther pretended
freinds, and
disappointed them of much of their hoped
for &
proffered means. By the advise of some
freinds
this
pattente was not taken in ye name of any of their
owne, but in
ye name of Mr. John Wincob (a religious
gentleman then
belonging to ye Countess of Lincoline),
who intended
to goe with them. But God so disposed
as he never
went, nor they ever made use of this patente,
52 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.
which had
cost them so much labour and charge, as by
ye
sequell will appeare. This patente being
sente over
for them to
veiw & consider, as also the passages aboute
ye
propossitions between them & such marchants &
freinds as
should either goe or adventure with them,
and
espetially with those* on whom yey did cheefly de-
pend for
shipping and means, whose proffers had been
large, they
were requested to fitt and prepare them
selves with
all speed. A right emblime, it may be,
of ye
uncertine things of this world; yt when men have
toyld them
selves for them, they vanish into smoke.
The 6. Chap.
Conscerning
ye agreements and artickles between them,
and such marchants & other's as adventured moneys;
with other things falling out aboute making their
provisions.
UPON ye receite of these things
by one of their mes-
sengers,
they had a sollemne meeting and a day of
humilliation
to seeke ye Lord for his direction; and
their pastor
tooke this texte, 1 Sam. 23. 3, 4. And
David's men
said unto him, see, we be aft'aid hear in
Judah, how
much more if we come -to Keilah against
ye host of the Phillistines? Then David asked counsell
of ye Lord againe, &c. From which texte he taught
many things
very aptly, and befitting ther present
*Mr. Tho: Weston, &c.
1620.] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 53
~
occasion and
condition, strengthing them against their
fears and
perplexities, and incouraging them in their
resolutions.
[27] After which they concluded both
what number
and what persons should prepare them
selves to
goe with ye first; for all yt were willing to
have gone
could, not gett ready for their other affairs
in so shorte
a time; neither if all could have been
ready, had
ther been means to have trasported them
alltogeather. Those that staied being ye greater
num-
ber required
ye pastor to stay with them; and indeede
for other
reasons he could not then well goe, and so
it was ye
more easilie yeelded unto. The other
then
desired ye
elder, Mr. Brewster, to goe with them, which
was also
condescended unto. It was also agreed on
by mutuall
consente and covenante, that those that
went should
be an absolute church of them selves,
as well as
those yt staid; seing in such a dangrous
vioage, and
a removall to such a distance, it might
come to pass
they should (for ye body of them) never
meete againe
in this world; yet with this proviso, that
as any of ye
rest came over to them, or of ye other
returned
upon occasion, they should be reputed as mem-
bers without
any further dismission or testimoniall.
It was allso
promised to those yt wente first, by ye
body of ye
rest, that if ye Lord gave them life, & meas,
&
opportunitie, they would come to them as soone as
they could.
Aboute this time, whilst they were
perplexed with
54 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.
ye
proseedings of ye Virginia Company, & ye ill news
from thence
aboute Mr. Blackwell & his company, and
making
inquirey about ye hiring & buying of shiping
for their
vioage, some Dutchmen made them faire offers
aboute
goeing with them. Also one Mr. Thomas
Weston,
a mrchant
of London, came to Leyden aboute ye same
time, (who
was well aquainted with some of them, and
a furtherer
of them in their former proseedings,) have-
ing much
conferance wth Mr. Robinson & other of ye.
cheefe of
them, perswaded them to goe on (as it seems)
& not to
medle with ye Dutch, or too much to depend
on ye
Virginia Company; for if that failed, if they came
to
resolution, he and such marchants as were his freinds
(togeather
with their owne means) would sett them
forth; and
they should make ready, and neither feare
wante of
shipping nor money; for what they wanted
should be
provided. And, not so much for him selfe
as for ye
satisfing of such frends as he should procure
to adventure
in this bussines, they were to draw such
articls of
agreemente, and make such propossitions, as
might ye
better induce his freinds to venture.
Upon
which (after
ye formere conclusion) articles were drawne
& agreed
unto, and were showne unto him, and approved
by him; and
afterwards by their messenger (Mr. John
Carver) sent
into England, who, togeather with Robart
Cushman,
were to receive ye moneys & make provissione
both for
shiping & other things for ye vioage; with this
charge, not
to exseede their coffiission, but to proseed
1620.] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 55
according to
ye former articles. Also some
were chossen
to doe ye
like for such things as were to be prepared
there; so
those that weare to goe, prepared them selves
with all
speed, and sould of their estats and (such as
were able)
put in their moneys into ye commone stock,
which was
disposed by those appointed, for ye making
of generall
provissions. Aboute this time also they
had heard,
both by Mr. Weston and others, yt sundrie
Honbl: Lords had obtained a large grante from ye
king,
for ye
more northerly parts of that countrie, derived
out of ye
Virginia patente, and wholy secluded from
their
Govermente, and to be called by another name,
viz.
New-England. Unto which Mr. Weston, and
ye
cheefe of
them, begane to incline it was [28] best for
them to goe,
as for other reasons, so cheefly for ye hope
of present
profite to be made by ye fishing that was
found in yt
countrie.
But as in all bussineses ye
acting parte is most diffi-
culte,
espetially wher ye worke of many agents must
concurr, so
it was found in this; for some of those
yt
should have gone in England, fell of & would not
goe; other
marchants & freinds yt had offered to ad-
venture
their moneys withdrew, and pretended many
excuses. Some disliking they wente not to Guiana;
others
againe would adventure nothing excepte they
wente to
Virginia. Some againe (and those that
were
most relied
on) fell in utter dislike with Virginia, and
would doe
nothing if they wente thither. In ye
midds
56 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.
of these
distractions, they of Leyden, who had put of
their
estats, and laid out their moneys, were brought
into a
greate streight, fearing what issue these things
would come
too; but at length ye generalitie was swaid
to this
latter opinion.
But now another difficultie arose, for Mr.
Weston
and some
other that were for this course, either for
their better
advantage or rather for ye drawing on of
others, as
they pretended, would have some of those
conditions
altered yt were first agreed on at
To which ye
2. agents sent from Leyden (or at least
one of them
who is most charged with it) did con-
sente;
seeing els yt all was like to be dashte, &
ye
opportunitie lost, and yt they which had put of
their estats
and paid in their moneys were in hazard
to be
undon. They presumed to conclude with ye
marchants on
those termes, in some things contrary
to their
order & comission, and without giving them
notice of ye
same; yea, it was conceled least it should
make any
furder delay; which was ye cause afterward
of much
trouble & contention.
It will be meete I here inserte these
conditions,
which are as
foloweth.
Ano: 1620. July 1.
1.
The adventurers & planters doe agree, that every person
that goeth
being aged 16. years & upward, be rated at 10li.,
and ten
pounds to be accounted a single share.
1620.] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 57
2.
That he that goeth in person, and furnisheth him selfe
out with 10li. either in money or other provissions, be accounted
as haveing 20li. in stock, and in ye
devission shall receive a
double
share.
3.
The persons transported & ye
adventurers shall continue
their joynt
stock & partnership togeather, ye
space of 7. years,
(excepte
some unexpected impedimente doe cause ye whole
company to
agree otherwise,) during which time, all profits &
benifits
that are gott by trade, traffick, trucking, working, fish-
ing, or any
other means of any person or persons, remaine still
in ye comone stock untill ye
division.
4.
That at their coming ther, they chose out such a number
of fitt
persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing
upon ye sea; imploying the rest in their severall faculties upon
ye land; as building houses, tilling, and planting ye ground,
&
makeing shuch comodities as shall be most use full for ye
collonie.
5.
That at ye end of ye 7. years, ye
capitall & profits, viz.
the houses,
lands, goods and chatles, be equally devided be-
twixte ye adventurers, and planters; wch
done, every man
shall be
free from other of them of any debt or detrimente
concerning
this adventure.
[29] 6.
Whosoever cometh to ye
colonie herafter, or putteth
any into ye stock, shall at the ende of ye 7.
years be alowed
proportionably
to ye time of his so doing.
7.
He that shall carie his wife & children, or servants, shall
be alowed
for everie person now aged 16. years & upward, a
single share
in ye devision, or if he provid them
necessaries,
a duble
share, or if they be between 10. year old and 16., then
2. of them
to be reconed for a person, both in trasportation
and
devision.
8.
That such children as now goe, & are under ye age of
ten years,
have noe other shar in ye devi~ion, but 50. acers of
unmanured
land.
58 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.
9.
That such persons as die before ye 7.
years be expired,
their
executors to have their parte or shaff at ye
devision, pro-
portionably
to ye time of their life in ye collonie.
10.
That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have
their meate,
drink, apparell, and all provissions out of ye comon
stock &
goods of ye said collonie.
The cheefe & principall differences
betwene these &
the former
conditions, stood in those 2. points; that
ye
houses, & lands improved, espetialy gardens & home
lotts should
remaine undevided wholy to ye planters
at ye
7. years end. 2ly, yt
they should have had 2.
days in a
weeke for their owne private imploymente,
for ye
more comforte of them selves and their families,
espetialy
such as had families. But because
letters are
by some wise
men counted ye best parte of histories,
I shall shew
their greevances hereaboute by their owne
letters, in
which ye passages of things will be more
truly
discerned.
A letter of Mr. Robinsons to John Carver.
June 14. 1620. N. Stile.
My dear
freind & brother, whom with yours I alwaise re-
member in my
best affection, and whose wellfare I shall never
cease to
comend to God by my best & most earnest praires.
You doe
throwly understand by our generall letters ye
estate
of things
hear, which indeed is very pitifull; espetialy by wante
of shiping,
and not seeing means lickly, much less certaine, of
having it
provided; though withal! ther be great want of money
& means
to doe needfull things. Mr. Pickering, you know
before this,
will not defray a peny hear; though Robart Gush-
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 59
man presumed
of I know not how many 1001i. from him, &
I know not
whom. Yet it seems strange yt we should be put
to him to
receive both his & his partners adventer, and yet
Mr. Weston write unto him, yt in
regard of it, he hath drawne
upon him a
1001i. more.
But ther is in this some misterie,
as indeed it
seems ther is in ye whole course. Besids, wheras
diverse are
to pay in some parts of their moneys yet behinde,
they refuse
to doe it, till they see shiping provided, or a course
taken for
it. Neither doe I thinke is ther a man
hear would pay
any thing,
if he had againe his money in his purse.
You
know right
well we depended on Mr. Weston alone, and upon
such means
as he would procure for this commone bussines;
and when we
had in hand another course with ye
Dutchmen,
broke it of
at his motion, and upon ye conditions by him shortly
after
propounded. He did this in his love I
know, but things
appeare not
answerable from him hitherto. That he
should have
first have
put in his moneys, is thought by many to have
been but
fitt, but yt I can well excuse, he being a marchante
and haveing
use of it to his benefite; wheras others, if it had
been in
their hands, would have consumed it.
[30] But yt he
should not
but have had either shipping ready before this time,
or at least
certaine means, and course, and ye same
knowne to
us for it,
or have taken other order otherwise, cannot in my
conscience
be excused. I have heard yt when he hath been
moved in the
bussines, he hath put it of from him selfe, and
referred it
to ye others;* and would come to Georg Morton,
&
enquire news of him aboute things, as if he had scarce been
some
accessarie unto it. Wether he hath
failed of some helps
from others
which he expected, and so be not well able to goe
through with
things, or whether he hath feared least you should
be ready too
Boone & so encrease ye charge of shiping above
yt is meete, or whether he have thought by withhoulding to put
* Yowthers
in the manuscript, an illegibly written word, doubtless intended
for "ye others."
60 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.
us upon
straits, thinking yt therby Mr. Brewer and Mr.
Picker-
ing would be
drawne by importunitie to doe more, or what
other
misterie is in it, we know not; but sure 1ve are yt things
are not
answerable to such an occasion. Mr. Weston maks
himselfe
mery with our endeavors about buying a ship, but
we have done
nothing in this but with good reason, as I am
perswaded,
nor yet that I know in any thing els, save in those
tow; ye one, that we imployed Robart Cushman, who is known
(though a
good man, & of spetiall abilities in his kind, yet)
most unfitt
to deale for other men, by reason of his singularitie,
and too
great indifferancie for any conditions, and for (to speak
truly) that*
we have had nothing from him but termes & pre-
sumptions. The other, yt we have so much relyed, by implicite
faith as it
were, upon generalities, without seeing ye
perticuler
course &
means for so waghtie an affaire set down unto us.
For shiping,
Mr. Weston, it should seeme, is set upon
hireing,
which yet I
wish he may presently effecte; but I see litle hope
of help from
hence if so it be. Of Mr. Brewer you know what
to
expecte. I doe not thinke Mr. Pickering will ingage, ex-
cepte in ye course of buying, in former letters specified. Aboute
ye conditions, you have our reasons for our judgments of what is
agreed. And let this spetially be borne in minde, yt the greatest
parte of ye Collonie is like to be imployed constantly, not upon
dressing
ther perticuler land & building houses, but upon fish-
ing,
trading, &c. So as ye land & house will be but a trifell
for
advantage to ye adventurers, and yet the devission of it
a great
discouragmente to ye planters, who would with singuler
care make it
comfortable with borowed houres from their sleep.
The same
consideration of comone imploymente constantly by
the most is
a good reason not to have ye 2.
daies in a weeke
denyed ye few planters for private use, which yet is subordinate
to comone
good. Consider also how much unfite that
you &
your liks
must serve a new prentishipe of 7. years, and not a
*This word is enclosed in brackets in the manuscript.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 61
daies
freedome from taske. Send me word what persons are
to goe, who
of usefull faculties, & how many, & perticulerly
of every
thing. I know you wante not a
minde. I am sorie
you have not
been at London all this while, but ye provissions
could not
wante you. Time will suffer me to write
no more;
fare you
& yours well allways in ye
Lord, in whom I rest.
Yours to use,
JOHN ROBINSON.
An other letter from sundrie of them at ye
same time.
[31] To
their loving freinds John Carver and Robart Cush-
man, these,
&c.
Good bretheren, after salutations,
&c. We received diverse
letters at ye coming of Mr. Nash & our pilott, which is a great
incouragmente
unto us, and for whom we hop after times will
minister
occasion of praising God; and indeed had you not
sente him,
many would have been ready to fainte and goe
backe. Partly in respecte of ye new conditions which have bene
taken up by
you, which all men are against, and partly in
regard of
our owne inabillitie to doe anyone of those many
waightie
bussineses you referr to us here. For ye
former
wherof,
wheras Robart Cushman desirs reasons for our dislike,
promising
therupon to alter ye same, or els saing we should
thinke he
hath no brains, we desire him to exercise them
therin,
refering him to our pastors former reasons, and them
to ye censure of ye godly wise. But our desires are that you
will not
entangle your selvs and us in any such unreasonable
courses as
those are, viz. yt the marchants should have ye halfe
of mens
houses and lands at ye dividente; and that persons
should be
deprived of ye 2. days in a we eke agreed upon, yea
every
momente of time for their owne perticuler; by reason
wherof we
cannot conceive why any should carie servants for
their own
help and comfort; for that we can require no more
of them then
all men one of another. This we have
only by
62 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.
relation
from Mr. Nash, & not from any writing of your
owne,
&
therfore hope you. have not proceeded farr in so great a
thing
without us. But requiring you not to
exseed the bounds
of your
comission, which was to proceed upon ye
things or con-
ditions
agred upon and expressed in writing (at your going
over about
it), we leave it, not without marveling, that your
selfe, as
you write, knowing how smale a thing troubleth our
consultations,
and how few, as you fear, understands the
busnes
aright, should trouble us with such matters as these
are, &c.
Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not
deceived; we
pray you make known our estate unto him, and
if you
thinke good shew him our letters, at least tell him (yt
under God)
we much relie upon him & put our confidence in
him; and, as
your selves well know, that if he had not been
an
adventurer with us, we had not taken it in hand; presuming
that if he
had not seene means to accomplish it, he would not
have begune
it; so we hope in our extremitie he will so farr
help us as
our expectation be no way made frustrate concern-
ing
him. Since therfore, good brethren, we
have plainly
opened ye state of things with us in this matter, you will, &c.
Thus
beseeching ye Ailmightie, who is allsufficiente to
raise
us out of
this depth of dificulties, to assiste us herein; raising
such means
by his providence and fatherly care for us, his pore
children
& servants, as we may with comforte behould ye hand
of our God
for good towards us in this our bussines, which we
undertake in
his name & fear, we take leave & remaine
Your perplexed, yet hopfull
June 10. New
Stille, bretheren,
Ano: 1620. S.
F. E. W. W. B. J. A.*
*In Governor Bradford's Collection of
Letters, these subscribers are thus
wrote out at
length: SAMUEL FULLER, WILLIAM BRADFORD, ISAAC
ALLERTON,
ED. WINSLOW. --Prince.
1620.]
A letter of Robart Cushmans to them.
Brethern, I
understand by letters & passagess yt have
come
to me, that
ther are great discontents, & dislike of my proceed-
ings amongst
you. Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente
to beare
it, as not
doubting but yt partly by writing, and more princi-
pally by
word when we shall come togeather, I shall satisfie
any
reasonable man. I have been perswaded
[32] by some,
espetialy
this bearer, to come and clear things unto you; but
as things
now stand I canot be absente one day, excepte I
should
hazard all ye viage.
Neither conceive I any great good
would come
of it. Take then, brethern, this as a
step to give
you
contente. First, for your dislike of ye alteration of one
clause in ye conditions, if you conceive it right, ther can be no
blame lye on
me at all. For ye articles first brought over by
John Carver
were never seene of any of ye
adventurers hear,
excepte Mr. Weston, neither did any of them like them because
of that
clause; nor Mr. Weston him selfe, after he had well
considered
it. But as at ye first ther was 500li. withdrawne by
Sr. Georg Farrer and his brother upon that dislike, so all ye
rest would
have withdrawne (Mr. Weston excepted) if we had
not altered
yt clause.
Now whilst we at Leyden conclude upon
points, as
we did, we reckoned without our host, which was
not my
falte. Besids, I shewed you by a letter
ye equitie of
yt condition, & our inconveniences, which might be sett against
all Mr. Rob:
inconveniences, that without ye
alteratIon of yt
clause, we
could neither have means to gett thither, nor supplie
wherby to
subsiste when we were ther. Yet
notwithstanding
all those
reasons, which were not mine, but other mens wiser
then my
selfe, without answer to anyone of them, here cometh
over many
quirimonies, and complaints against me, of lording
it over my
brethern, and making conditions fitter for theeves
&
bondslaves then honest men, and that of my owne head I
did what I
list. And at last a paper of reasons,
framed against
64 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.
yt clause in ye conditions, which as yey were delivered me open,
so my answer
is open to you all. And first, as they
are no
other but
inconveniences, such as a man might frame 20. as
great on ye other side, and yet prove nor disprove nothing by
them, so
they misse & mistake both ye very
ground of ye article
and nature
of ye project.
For, first, it is said, that if ther had
been no
divission of houses & lands, it had been better for ye
poore. True, and yt showeth ye inequalitie of ye condition; we
should more
respecte him yt ventureth both his money and his
person, then
him yt ventureth but his person only.
2.
Consider wheraboute we are, not giveing almes, but
furnishing a
store house; no one shall be porer then another
for 7.
years, and if any be rich, none can be pore.
At ye least,
we must not
in such bussines crie, Pore, pore, mercie, mercie.
Charitie
hath it life in wraks, not in venturs; you are by this
most in a
hopefull pitie of makeing, therfore complaine not be-
fore you
have need.
3.
This will hinder ye building of good and faire houses,
contrarie to
ye advise of pollitiks. A. So we would have it;
our purpose
is to build for ye presente such houses as, if need
be, we may
with litle greefe set a fire, and rune away by the
lighte; our
riches shall not be in pompe, but in strenght; if
God send us
riches, we will imploye them to provid more men,
ships,
munition, &c. You may see it amongst
the best pollitiks,
that a
comonwele is readier to ebe then to flow, when once fine
houses and
gay cloaths come up.
4.
The Govet may prevente excess in building. A. But
if
it be on all
men beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses,
ye Gover laboure is spared.
5.
All men are not of one condition.
A. If by condition
you mean
wealth, you are mistaken; if you mean by condi-
tion,
qualities, then I say he that is not contente his neighbour
shall have
as good a house, fare, means, &c. as him selfe, is
not of a
good qualitie. 2ly. Such retired persons, as
have an
1620.]
eie only to
them selves, are fitter to come wher catching is,
then
closing; and are fitter to live alone, then in any societie,
either civil
or religious.
6.
It will be of litle value, scarce worth 5li. A. True, it
may be not
worth halfe 5li.
[33] If then so smale a thing
will content
them, why strive we thus aboute it, and give
them
occasion to suspecte us to be worldly & covetous? I
will not say
what I have heard since these complaints came
first over.
7.
Our freinds with us yt
adventure mind not their owne
profite, as
did ye old adventurers. A.
Then they are better
then we, who
for a litle matter of profite are readie to draw
back, and it
is more apparente brethern looke too it, that make
profite your
maine end; repente of this, els goe not least you
be like
Jonas to Tarshis. 21y. Though some of them mind
not their
profite, yet others doe mind it; and why not as well
as we? venturs are made by all sorts of men, and we
must
labour to
give them all contente, if we can.
8.
It will break ye course of comunitie, as may be showed
by many
reasons. A. That is but said, and I say againe, it
will best
foster comunion, as may be showed by many reasons.
9.
Great profite is like to be made by trucking, fishing, &c.
A. As it is better for them, so for us; for
halfe is ours, besids
our living
still upon it, and if such profite in yt way
come, our
labour shall
be ye less on ye land, and our houses and lands
must &
will be of less value.
10.
Our hazard is greater then theirs.
A. True, but doe
they put us
upon it? doe they urge or egg us? hath not
ye motion & resolution been always in our selves? doe they
any more
then in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us
to means
upon equall termes & conditions? If
we will not
goe, they
are content to keep their moneys. Thus I
have
pointed at a
way to loose those knots, which I hope you will
consider
seriously, and let me have no more stirre about them.
66 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.
Now furder,
I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made;
but surly
this is all that I have altered, and reasons I have sent
you. If you mean it of ye 2. days in a week for perticuler, as
some
insinuate, you are deceived; you may have 3. days in a
week for me
if you will. And when I have spoken to ye ad-
venturers of
times of working, they have said they hope we are
men of
discretion & conscience, and so fitte to be trusted our
selves with
that. But indeed ye ground of our proceedings at
Leyden was
mistaken, and so here is nothing but tottering
every day,
&c.
As for them of Amsterdam I had thought
they would as
soone have
gone to Rome as with us; for our libertie is to
them as
ratts bane, and their riggour as bad to us as ye Spanish
Inquision. If any practise of mine discourage them, let
them
yet draw
back; I will undertake they shall have their money
againe
presently paid hear. Or if the company
thinke me to
be ye Jonas, let them cast me of before we goe; I shall be con-
tent to stay
with good will, having but ye
cloaths on my back;
only let us
have quietnes, and no more of these clamors; full
litle did I
expecte these things which are now come to pass, &c.
Yours, R.
CUSHMAN.
But whether this letter of his ever came
to their
hands at
Leyden I well know not; I rather thinke it
was staied
by Mr. Carver & kept by him, forgiving
offence. But this which follows was ther received;
both which I
thought pertenent to recite.
Another of his to ye aforesaid, June 11. 1620.*
Salutations,
&c. I received your ler. yesterday, by John
Turner, with
another ye same day from Amsterdam by Mr.
*June 11. O.
S. is Lord's day, and therefore 't is likely the date of this
letter
should be June 10, the same with the date of the letter following. --Prince.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 67
W. savouring
of ye place whenc it came. And indeed the
many
discouragements I find her, togeather with ye
demurrs
and
retirings ther, had made me to say, I would give up my
accounts to
John Carver, & at his comeing aquainte him fully
with all
courses, and so leave it quite, with only ye pore
cloaths
on my
back. But gathering up my selfe by
further considera-
tion, [34] I
resolved yet to make one triall more, and to
aquainte Mr. Weston with ye
fainted state of our bussines ; and
though he
hath been much discontented at some thing amongst
us of late,
which hath made him often say, that save for his
promise, he
would not meadle at all with ye
bussines any more,
yet
considering how farr we were plunged into maters, & how
it stood
both on our credits & undoing, at ye last
he gathered
up him selfe
a litle more, & coming to me 2. hours after, he
tould me he
would not yet leave it. And so advising
togeather
we resolved
to hire a ship, and have tooke liking of one till
Monday,
about 60. laste, for a greater we cannot gett, excepte
it be tow
great; but a fine ship it is. And seeing
our neer
freinds ther
are so streite lased, we hope to assure her without
troubling
them any further; and if ye ship fale too small, it
fitteth well
yt such as stumble at strawes allready, may
rest
them ther a
while, least worse blocks come in ye way
ere 7.
years be
ended. If you had beaten this bussines
so throuly
a month
agoe, and write to us as now you doe, we could thus
have done
much more conveniently. But it is as it
is; I hope
our freinds
ther, if they be quitted of ye ship
hire, will be in-
dusced to
venture ye more.
All yt I now require is yt salt and
netts may
ther be boughte, and for all ye rest
we will here pro-
vid it; yet
if that will not be, let them but stand for it a month
or tow, and
we will take order to pay it all. Let Mr. Reinholds
tarie ther,
and bring ye ship to Southampton. We have hired'
another
pilote here, one Mr. Clarke, who went last year to
Virginia
with a ship of kine.
You shall here distinctly by John Turner,
who I thinke shall
68 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.
come hence
on Tewsday night. I had thought to have
come
with him, to
have answerd to my complaints; but I shal lerne
to pass
litle for their censurs; and if I had more minde to goe
&
dispute & expostulate with them, then I have care of this
waightie
bussines, I were like them who live by clamours &
jangling. But neither my mind nor my body is at
libertie to
doe much,
for I am fettered with bussines, and had rather study
to be quiet,
then to make answer to their exceptions.
If men
be set on
it, let them beat ye eair; I hope such as are my sin-
ceire
freinds will not thinke but I can give some reason of my
actions. But of your mistaking aboute ye mater, & other
things
tending to this bussines, I shall nexte informe you
more
distinctly. Mean space entreate our
freinds not to be
too bussie
in answering matters, before they know them.
If
I doe such
things as I canot give reasons for, it is like you
have sett a
foole aboute your bussines, and so turne ye
reproofe
to your
selves, & send an other, and let me come againe to my
Combes. But setting a side my naturall infirmities, I
refuse
not to have
my cause judged, both of God, & all indifferent
men; and
when we come togeather I shall give accounte of
my actions
hear. The Lord, who judgeth justly
without
respect of
persons, see into ye equitie of my cause, and give
us quiet,
peacable, and patient minds, in all these turmoiles,
and
sanctifie unto us all crosses whatsoever.
And so I take
my leave of
you all, in all love & affection.
I hope we shall gett all hear ready in 14.
days.
Your pore brother,
June 11. 1620. ROBART CUSHMAN.
Besids these things, ther fell out a
differance amongs
those 3.
that received [35] the moneys & made ye pro-
vissions in
England; for besids these tow formerly men-
tioned sent
from Leyden for this end, viz. Mr. Carver
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 69
& Robart
Cushman, ther was one chosen in England
to be joyned
with them, to make ye provisions for
ye
vioage; his name was Mr. Martin, he came from
Billirike in
Essexe, from which parts came sundrie
others to
goe with them, as also from London & other
places; and
therfore it was thought meete & conveniente
by them in
Roland that these strangers that were to
goe with
them, should apointe one thus to be joyned
with them,
not so much for any great need of their
help, as to
avoyd all susspition, or jelosie of any
partiallitie. And indeed their care for giving offence,
both in this
& other things afterward, turned to great
inconvenience
unto them, as in ye sequell will apeare;
but however
it shewed their equall & honest minds.
The
provissions were for ye most parte made at South-
hamton,
contrarie to Mr. Westons & Robert Cushmas
mind (whose
counsells did most concure in all things).
A touch of
which things I shall give in a letter of his
to Mr.
Carver, and more will appear afterward.
To his
loving freind Mr. John Carver, these, &c.
Loving freind, I have received from you
some letters, full
of affection
& complaints, and what it is you would have of
me I know
not; for your crieing out, Negligence, negligence,
negligence,
I marvell why so negligente a man was used in
ye bussines. Yet know you yt all that I have power to doe
hear, shall
not be one hower behind, I warent you.
You have
reference to
Mr. Weston to help us with money, more then
his
adventure;
wher he protesteth but for his promise, he would
not have
done any thing. He saith we take a heady
course,
70 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VI.
and is
offended yt our provissions are made so farr of; as
also
that he was
not made aquainted with our quantitie of things;
and saith yt in now being in 3. places, so farr remote, we will,
with going
up & downe, and wrangling & expostulating, pass
over ye somer before we will goe.
And to speake ye trueth,
ther is
fallen already amongst us a flatt schisme; and we are
redier to
goe to dispute, then to sett forwarde a voiage.
I have
received
from Leyden since you wente 3. or 4; letters
directed to
you, though they only conscerne me. I
will not
trouble you
with them. I always feared ye event of ye Amster-
damers
striking in with us. I trow you must
excomunicate
me, or els
you must goe without their companie, or we shall
wante no
quareling; bit let them pass. We have
reckoned,
it should
seeme, without our host; and, counting upon a 150.
persons,
ther cannot be founde above 1200li.
& odd moneys
of all ye venturs you can reckone, besids some cloath, stock-
ings, &
shoes, which are not counted; so we shall come shorte
at least 3.
or 400li. I
would have had some thing shortened
at first of
beare & other provissions in hope of other adventurs,
& now we
could have, both in Amsterd: & Kente, beere inough
to serve our
turne, but now we cannot accept it without preju-
dice. You fear we have begune to build & shall
not be able
to make an
end; indeed, our courses were never established by
counsell, we
may therfore justly fear their standing.
Yea, ther
was a [36]
schisme amongst us 3. at ye first.
You wrote to
Mr. Martin, to prevente ye
making of ye provissions in Kente,
which he
did, and sett downe hi,s resolution how much he would
have of
every thing, without respecte to any counsell or excep-
tion. Surely he yt is in a societie & yet regards not counsell,
may better
be a king then a consorte. To be short,
if ther
be not some
other dispossition setled unto then yet is, we yt
should be
partners of humilitie and peace, shall be examples
of jangling
& insulting. Yet your money which
you ther must
have, we
will get provided for you instantly. 500li. you say
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 71
will serve;
for ye rest which hear & in Holand is to be
used,
we may goe
scratch for it. For Mr.* Crabe, of whom you write,
he hath
promised to goe with us, yet I tell you I shall not be
without
feare till I see him shipped, for he is much opposed,
yet I hope
he will not faile. Thinke ye best of all, and bear
with
patience what is wanting, and ye Lord
guid us all.
Your loving freind,
London, June
10. ROBART
CUSHMAN.
Ano: 1620.
I have bene ye larger in these
things, and so shall
crave leave
in some like passages following, (thoug
in other
things I shal labour to be more contracte,)
that their
children may see with what difficulties their
fathers
wrastled in going throug these things in their
first
beginings, and how God brought them along not-
withstanding
all their weaknesses & infirmities.
As
allso that
some use may be made hereof in after times
by others in
such like waightie imployments; and here-
with I will
end this chapter.
The 7. Chap.
Of their
departure from Leyden, and other things ther
aboute, with their arivall at South
hamton, were they
all mete togeather, and tooke in ther
provissions.
AT length, after much travell and these
debats, all
things were
got ready and provided. A smale ship!
was bought,
& fitted in Holand, which was intended as
*He was a minister. !Of
some 60 tune.
72 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII.
to serve, to
help to transport them, so to stay in ye
cuntrie and
atend upon fishing and shuch other affairs
as might be
for ye good & benefite of ye colonie when
they came
ther. Another was hired at London, of
burden about
9. score; and all other things gott in
readines. So being ready to departe, they had a day
of solleme
humiliation, their pastor taking his texte
from Ezra 8.
21. And ther at ye river,
by Ahava, I
proclaimed a
fast, that we might humble ourselves before
our God, and
seeke of him a right way for us, and
for our
children, and for all our substance. Upon which
he spente a
good parte of ye day very profitably, and
suitable to
their presente occasion. The rest of the
time was
spente in powering out prairs to ye Lord with
great
fervencie, mixed with abundance of tears.
And
ye
time being come that they must departe, they were
accompanied
with most of their brethren out of ye
citie, unto
a towne sundrie miles of called Delfes-Haven,
wher the
ship lay ready to receive them. So they
lefte
yt
goodly & pleasante citie, which had been ther resting
place near
12. years; but they knew they were pil-
grimes,*
& looked not much on those things, but lift
up their
eyes to ye heavens, their dearest cuntrie, and
quieted
their spirits. When they [37] came to ye
place they
found ye ship and all things ready; and
shuch of
their freinds as could not come with them
followed
after them, and sundrie also came from Am-
*Heb. 11.
1620.]
sterdame to
see them shipte and to take their leave
of
them. That night was spent with litle
sleepe by
ye
most, but with freindly entertainmente & christian
discourse
and other reall expressions of true christian
love. The next day, the wind being faire, they
wente
aborde, and
their freinds with them, where truly dolfull
was ye
sight of that sade and mournfull parting; to see
what sighs
and sobbs and praires did sound amongst
them, what
tears did gush from every eye, & pithy
speeches
peirst each harte; that sundry of ye Dutch
strangers yt
stood on ye key as spectators, could not
refraine
from tears. Yet comfortable & sweete
it was
to see shuch
lively and true expressions of dear & un-
fained
love. But ye tide (which
stays for no man),
caling them
away yt were thus loath to departe, their
Reved: pastor falling downe on his knees, (and they
all with
him,) with watrie cheeks comended them with
most
fervente praiers to the Lord and his blessing.
And then
with mutuall imbrases and many tears, they
tooke their
leaves one of an other; which proved to
be ye
last leave to many of them.
Thus hoysing saile,* with a prosperus
winde they
came in
short time to Southhamton, wher they found
the bigger
ship come from London, lying ready, wth
all the rest
of their company. After a joyfull well-
come, and
mutuall congratulations, with other frendly
entertainements,
they fell to parley aboute their bussi-
*This was about 22. of July.
74 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII.
nes, how to
dispatch with ye best expedition; as allso
with their
agents, aboute ye alteration of ye conditions.
Mr.
Carver pleaded he was imployed hear at Hamton,
and knew not
well what ye other had don at London.
Mr.
Cushman answered, he had done nothing but what
he was urged
too, partly by ye grounds of equity, and
more
espetialy by necessitie, other wise all had bene
dasht and
many undon. And in ye
begining he
aquainted
his felow agents here with, who consented
unto him,
and left it to him to execute, and to receive
ye
money at London and send it downe to them at
Hamton, wher
they made ye provissions; the which he
accordingly
did, though it was against his minde, &
some of ye
marchants, yt they were their made.
And
for giveing
them notise at Leyden of this change, he
could not
well in regarde of ye shortnes of ye time;
againe, he
knew it would trouble them and hinder
ye
bussines, which was already delayed overlong in
regard of ye
season of ye year, which he feared they
would find
to their cost. But these things gave not
contente at
presente. Mr. Weston,
likwise, came up
from London
to see them dispatcht and to have ye
conditions
confirmed; but they refused, and answered
him, that he
knew right well that these were not
according to
ye first agreemente, neither could they
yeeld to
them without ye consente of the rest that
were
behind. And indeed they had spetiall
charge
when they
came away, from the cheefe of those that
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 75
were behind,
not to doe it. At which he was much
offended,
and tould them, they must then looke to
stand on
their owne leggs. So he returned in dis-
pleasure,
and this was ye first ground of discontent
betweene
them. And wheras ther wanted well near
100li.
to clear things at their going away, he would
not take
order to disburse a penie, but let them shift
as they
could. [38] So they were forst to selle of
some of
their provissions to stop this gape, which
was some 3.
or 4. score firkins of butter, which com-
oditie they
might best spare, haveing provided too
large a
quantitie of yt kind. Then
they write a leter
to ye
marchants & adventures aboute ye diferances
concerning ye
conditions, as foloweth.
Aug. 3. Ano: 1620.
Beloved freinds, sory we are that ther
should be occasion
of writing
at all unto you, partly because we ever expected
to see ye most of you hear, but espetially because ther should
any
differance at all be conceived betweene us.
But seing
it faleth
out that we cannot conferr togeather, we thinke it
meete
(though brefly) to show you ye just
cause & reason of
our
differing from those articles last made by Robart Cushman,
without our
comission or knowledg. And though he
might
propound
good ends to himselfe, yet it no way justifies his
doing
it. Our maine diference is in ye 5. & 9. article, con-
cerning ye deviding or holding of house and lands; the injoy-
ing wherof
some of your selves well know, was one spetiall
motive,
amongst many other, to provoke us to goe.
This
was thought
so reasonable, yt when ye
greatest of you in
adventure
(whom we have much cause to respecte), when he
76 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII.
propounded
conditions to us freely of his owne accorde, he
set this
downe for one; a coppy wherof we have sent unto
you, with
some additions then added by us; which being
liked on
both sids, and a day set for ye
paimente of moneys,
those of
Holland paid in theirs. After yt, Robart Cushman,
Mr. Peirce, & Mr.
Martine, brought them into a better forme,
& write
them in a booke now extante; and upon Robarts
shewing them
and delivering Mr. Mullins a coppy therof under
his hand
(which we have), he payd in his money.
And we
of Holland
had never seen other before our coming to Hamton,
but only as
one got for him selfe a private coppy of them;
upon sight
wherof we manyfested uter dislike, but had put
of our
estats & were ready to come, and therfore was too late
to rejecte ye vioage. Judge therfore we
beseech you indifer-
ently of
things, and if a faulte have bene comited, lay it wher
it is, &
not upon us, who have more cause to stand for ye one,
then you
have for ye other.
We never gave Robart Cushman
comission to
make anyone article for us, but only sent him
to receive
moneys upon articles before agreed on, and to
further ye provissions till John Carver came, and to assiste
him in
it. Yet since you conceive your selves
wronged as
well as we,
we thought meete to add a branch to ye end
of
our 9.
article, as will allmost heale that wound of it selfe,
which you
conceive to be in it. But that it may
appeare to
all men yt we are not lovers of our selves only, but desire
also ye good & inriching of our freinds who have adventured
your moneys
with our persons, we have added our last article
to ye rest, promising you againe by leters in ye behalfe of the
whole
company, that if large profits should not arise within
ye 7. years, yt we will continue togeather longer with
you, if
ye Lord give a blessing. This
we hope is sufficente to satisfie
any in this
case, espetialy freinds, since we are asured yt if
the whole
charge was devided into 4. parts, 3. of them will
*It was well for them yt this was not accepted.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 77
not stand
upon it, nether doe regarde it, &c.
We are in
shuch a
streate at presente, as we are forced to sell away 60li.
worth of our
provissions to cleare ye Haven, & withall put our
selves upon
great extremities, scarce haveing any butter, no
oyle, not a
sole to mend a shoe, [39] nor every man a sword
to his side,
wanting many muskets, much armoure, &c.
And
yet we are
willing to expose our selves to shuch eminente
dangers as
are like to insue, & trust to ye good
providence
of God,
rather then his name & truth should be evill spoken
of for
us. Thus saluting all of you in love,
and beseeching
ye Lord to
give a blesing to our endeavore, and keepe all our
harts in ye bonds of peace & love, we take leave & rest,
Yours, &c.
Aug. 3.
1620.
It was subscribed with many names of ye
cheefest
of ye
company.
At their parting Mr. Robinson
write a leter to ye
whole
company, which though it hath already bene
printed, yet
I thought good here likwise to inserte
it; as also
a breefe Jeter writ at ye same time to Mr.
Carver, in
which ye tender love & godly care of a true
pastor
appears.
My dear Brother, I received inclosed in your last leter
ye note of information, wch I
shall carefuly keepe & make use
of as ther
shall be occasion. I have a true feeling
of your
perplexitie
of mind & toyle of body, but I hope that you who
have allways
been able so plentifully to administer comforte
unto others
in their trials, are so well furnished for your selfe
as that farr
greater difficulties then you have yet undergone
(though I
conceive them to have been great enough) cannot
78 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII.
oppresse you,
though they press you, as ye
Aspostle speaks.
The spirite
of a man (sustained by ye spirite of God) will sus-
taine his
infirmitie, I dout not so will yours.
And ye beter
much when
you shall injoye ye presence & help of so many
godly &
wise bretheren, for ye bearing of part of your burthen,
who also
will not admitte into their harts ye
least thought of
suspition of
any ye least negligence, at least presumption,
to
have been in
you, what so ever they thinke in others.
Now
what shall I
say or write unto you & your goodwife my loving
sister? even only this, I desire (& allways
shall) unto you
from ye Lord, as unto my owne soule; and assure your selfe
yt my harte is with you, and that I will not forslowe my bodily
coming at ye first oppertunitie. I have
writen a large leter to
ye whole, and am sorie I shall not rather speak then write to
them; &
the more, considering ye wante of a preacher, which
I shall also
make sume spurr to my hastening after you.
I
doe ever
comend my best affection unto you, which if I thought
you made any
doubte of, I would express in more, & ye same
more ample
& full words. And ye Lord in whom you trust &
whom you
serve ever in this bussines & journey, guid you with
his hand,
protecte you with his winge, and shew you & us his
salvation in
ye end, & bring us in ye mean while togeather in
ye place desired, if shuch be his good will, for his Christs sake.
Amen. Yours,
&c.
July 27.
1620. Jo:
R.
This was ye last letter yt Mr.
Carver lived to see
from
him. The other follows.
*Lovinge
Christian friends, I doe hartily & in ye Lord salute
you all, as
being they with whom I am presente in my best
*This letter
is omitted in Governor Bradford's Collection of Letters.--
Prince.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 79
affection,
and most ernest longings after you, though I be
constrained
for a while to be bodily absente from you.
I say
constrained,
God knowing how willingly, & much rather then
otherwise, I
would have borne my part with you in this first
brunt, were
I not by strong necessitie held back for ye
present.
Make
accounte of me in ye mean while, as of a man devided in
my selfe
with great paine, and as (naturall bonds set aside)
having my
beter parte with [40] you. And though I
doubt
not but in
your godly wisdoms, you both foresee & resolve
upon yt which concerneth your presente state & condition,
both
severally & joyntly, yet have I thought it but my duty
to add some
furder spurr of provocation unto them, who rune
allready, if
not because you need it, yet because I owe it in
love &
dutie. And first, as we are daly to
renew our repent-
ance with
our God, espetially for our sines known, and gener-
ally for our
unknowne trespasses, so doth ye Lord
call us in
a singuler
maner upon occasions of shuch difficultie & danger
as lieth
upon you, to a both more narrow search & carefull
reformation
of your ways in his sight; least he, calling to
remembrance
our sines forgotten by us or unrepented of, take
advantage
against us, & in judgmente leave us for ye same
to be
swalowed up in one danger or other; wheras, on the
contrary,
sine being taken away by ernest repentance & ye
pardon
therof from ye Lord sealed up unto a mans conscience
by his
spirite, great shall be his securitie and peace in all
dangers,
sweete his comforts in all distresses, with hapie
deliverance
from all evill, whether in life or in death.
Now next after this heavenly peace with
God & our owne
consciences,
we are carefully to provide for peace with all men
what in us
lieth, espetially with our associats, & for yt watch-
fullnes must
be had, that we neither at all in our selves doe
give, no nor
easily take offence being given by others.
Woe
be unto ye
world for offences, for though it be necessarie (con-
sidermg ye malice of Satan & mans corruption) that offences
80 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII.
come, yet
woe unto ye man or woman either by whom ye offence
cometh,
saith Christ, Mat. 18. 7. And if
offences in ye un-
seasonable
use of things in them selves indifferent, be more
to be feared
then death itselfe, as ye Apostle teacheth, 1. Cor.
9. 15. how
much more in things simply evill, in which neither
honour of
God nor love of man is thought worthy to be re-
garded. Neither yet is it sufficiente yt we keepe our selves
by ye grace of God from giveing offence, exepte withall we be
armed
against ye taking of them when they be given by
others.
For how
unperfect & lame is ye work of grace in yt person,
who wants
charritie to cover a multitude of offences, as ye
scriptures
speake. Neither are you to be exhorted
to this
grace only
upon ye com one grounds of Christianitie, which
are, that
persons ready to take offence, either wante charitie,
to cover
offences, of wisdome duly to waigh humane frailtie;
or lastly,
are grosse, though close hipocrites, as Christ our
Lord
teacheth, Mat. 7. 1, 2, 3, as indeed in my owne expe-
rience, few
or none have bene found which sooner give offence,
then shuch
as easily take it; neither have they ever proved
sound &
profitable members in societies, which have nurished
this touchey
humor. But besids these, ther are
diverse motives
provoking
you above others to great care & conscience this
way: As first, you are .many of you strangers, as
to ye per-
sons, so to
ye infirmities one of another, & so
stand in neede
of more
watchfullnes this way, least when shuch things fall
out in men
& women as you suspected not, you be inordinatly
affected
with them; which doth require at your hands much
wisdome
& charitie for ye covering & preventing of incident
offences
that way. And lastly, your intended
course of civill
comunitie
will minister continuall occasion of offence, & will
be as fuell
for that fire, excepte you dilligently quench it with
brotherly
forbearance. And if taking of offence
causlesly or
easilie at
mens doings be so carefuly to be avoyded, how much
more heed is
to be taken yt we take not offence at God him
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 81
selfe, which
yet we certainly doe so ofte as we doe murmure
at his
providence in our crosses, or beare impatiently shuch
afflictions
as wherwith he pleaseth to visite us.
Store up
therfore
patience against ye evill day, without which we take
offence at ye Lord him selfe in his holy & just works.
A
4. thing ther is carfully to be provided for, to witte, that
with your
comone imployments you joyne comone affections
truly bente
upon ye generall good, avoyding as a deadly
[41] plague
of your both comone & spetiall comfort all re-
tirednes of
minde for proper advantage, and all singularly
affected any
maner of way; let every man represe in him
selfe &
ye whol body in each person, as so many rebels
against ye comone good, all private respects of mens selves,
not sorting
with ye generall conveniencie. And as men are
carfull not
to have a new house shaken with any violence
before it be
well setled & ye parts firmly knite, so be you,
I beseech
you, brethren, much more carfull, yt the
house of
God which
you are, and are to be, be not shaken with un-
necessarie
novelties or other oppositions at ye
first setting
therof.
Lastly, wheras you are become a body
politik, using amongst
your selves
civill govermente, and are not furnished with any
persons of
spetiall eminencie above ye rest, to be chosen by you
into office
of goverment, let your wisdome & godlines appeare,
not only in
chusing shuch persons as doe entirely love and will
promote ye
comone good, but also in yeelding unto them all
due honour
& obedience in their lawfull administrations; not
behoulding
in them ye ordinarinesse of their persons, but Gods
ordinance
for your good, not being like ye
foolish multitud
who more
honour ye gay coate, then either ye vertuous minde
of ye man, or glorious ordinance of ye Lord. But you know
better
things, & that ye image of ye Lords power & authontie
which ye magistrate beareth, is honourable, in how meane per-
sons
soever. And this dutie you both may ye more willingly
82 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VII.
and ought ye more conscionably to performe, because you are
at least for
ye present to have only them for your
ordinarie
governours,
which your selves shall make choyse of for that
worke.
Sundrie other things of importance I could
put you in minde
of, and of
those before mentioned, in more words, but I will
not so farr
wrong your godly minds as to thinke you heedless
of these
things, ther being also diverce among you so well able
to admonish
both them selves & others of what concerneth
them. These few things therfore, & ye same in few words,
I doe
ernestly comend unto your care & conscience, joyning
therwith my
daily incessante prayers unto ye Lord, yt he
who
hath made ye heavens & ye
earth, ye sea and all rivers of
waters, and
whose providence is over all his workes, espetially
over all his
dear children for good, would so guide & gard
you in your
wayes, as inwardly by his Spirite, so outwardly
by ye hand of his power, as yt both you & we also, for & with
you, may
have after matter of praising his name all ye days
of
your and our
lives. Fare you well in him in whom you
trust, and
in whom I rest.
An unfained wellwiller of your hapie
success in this hopefull voyage,
JOHN ROBINSON.
This letter, though large, yet being so
frutfull in
it selfe,
and suitable to their occation, I thought meete
to inserte
in this place.
All things being now ready, &. every
bussines dis-
patched, the
company was caled togeather, and this
letter read
amongst them, which had good acceptation
with all,
and after fruit with many. Then they
ordered
&
distributed their company for either shipe, as they
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 83
conceived
for ye best. And chose a Govr & 2. or 3.
assistants
for each shipe, to order ye people by ye way,
and see to ye
dispossing of there provissions, and shuch
like
affairs. All which was not only with ye
liking
of ye
maisters of ye ships, but according to their
desires. Which being done, they sett sayle from
thence
aboute ye 5. of August; but what befell them
further upon
ye coast of
nexte
chapter.
The 8. Chap.
Off the
troubls that befell them on the coaste, and at sea
being forced, after much trouble, to
leave one of ther
ships & some of their companie
behind them.
[42] BEING thus put to sea they had not
gone farr,
but Mr.
Reinolds ye mr. of ye leser ship complained
that he
found his ship so leak as he durst not put
further to
sea till she was mended. So ye
mr. of ye
biger ship
(caled Mr. Jonas) being consulted with, they
both resolved
to put into Dartmouth & have her ther
searched
& mended, which accordingly was done, to
their great
charg & losse of time and a faire winde.
She was hear
thorowly searcht from steme to sterne,
some leaks
were found & mended, and now it was
conceived by
the workmen & all, that she was sufli-
ciente,
& they might proceede without either fear or
danger. So with good hopes from hence, they put
to sea
againe, conceiving they should goe comfortably
84 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VIII.
on, not looking
for any more lets of this kind; but
it fell out
otherwise; for after they were gone to sea
againe above
100. leagues without the Lands End,
houlding
company togeather all this while, the mr. of
ye
small ship complained his ship was so leake as he
must beare
up or sinke at sea, for they could scarce
free her
with much pumping. So they came to con-
sultation
againe, and resolved both ships to bear up
backe againe
& put into Plimoth, which accordingly
was
done. But no spetiall leake could be founde,
but
it was
judged to be ye generall weaknes of ye shipe,
and that
shee would not prove sufficiente for the voiage.
Upon which
it was resolved to dismise her & parte of
ye
companie, and proceede with ye other shipe. The
which
(though it was greevous, & caused great dis-
couragmente)
was put in execution. So after they
had tooke
out such provission as ye other ship could
well stow,
and concluded both what number and what
persons to
send bak, they made another sad parting,
ye
one ship going backe for London, and ye other was
to proceede
on her viage. Those that went bak were
for the most
parte such as were willing so to doe,
either out
of some discontente, or feare they conceived
of ye
ill success of ye vioage, seeing so many croses
befale,
& the year time so farr spente; but others, in
regarde of
their owne weaknes, and charge of many
yonge
children, were thought least usefull, and most
unfite to
bear ye brunte of this hard adventure; unto
1620.] PLYMOUTH
PLANTATION. 85
which worke
of God, and judomente of their brethern,
they were
contented to submite. And thus, like
Gedions
armie, this
small number was devided, as if ye Lord by
this worke
of his providence thought these few to many
for ye
great worke he had to doe. But here by
the way,
let me show,
how afterward it was found yt the leaknes
of this ship
was partly by being, over masted, and too
much pressed
with sayles; for after she was sould &
put into her
old trime, she made many viages & per-
formed her service
very sufficiently, to ye great profite
of her
owners. But more espetially, by the
cuning &
deceite of ye
mr. & his company, who were hired to
stay a whole
year in ye cuntrie, and now fancying dis-
like &
fearing wante of victeles, they ploted this strate-
gem to free
them selves; as afterwards was knowne, &
by some of
them confessed. For they apprehended
yt
the greater ship, being of force, & in whom most
of ye
provissions were stowed, she would retayne
enough for
her selfe, what soever became of them or
ye
passengers; & indeed shuch speeches had bene cast
out by some
of them; and yet, besids other incourag-
ments, ye
cheefe of them that canoe from Leyden wente
in this
shipe to give ye mr. contente. But so strong
was self
love &, his fears, as he forgott all duty and
[43] former
kindnesses, & delt thus falsly with them,
though he
pretended otherwise. Amongest those that
returned was
Mr. Cushman & his families whose hart
&
courage was gone from them before, as it seems,
86 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VIII.
though his
body was with them till now he departed;
as may
appear by a passionate letter he write to a
freind in
London from Dartmouth, whilst ye ship lay
ther a
mending; the which, besids ye expressions of his
owne fears,
it shows much of ye providence of God work-
ing for
their good beyonde man's expectation, & other
things
concerning their condition in these streats. I will
hear relate
it. And though it discover some
infirmities
in him (as
who under temtation is free), yet after this he
continued to
be a spetiall instrumente for their good, and
to doe ye
offices of a loving freind & faithfull brother
unto them,
and pertaker of much comforte with them.
The letter is as followth.
To his
loving friend Ed: S.* at Henige House in ye
these, &c.
Loving friend, my most kind remembrance
to you & your
wife, with
loving E. M. &c. whom in this world I never looke
to see
againe. For besids ye eminente dangers of this viage,
which are no
less then deadly, an infirmitie of body hath ceased
me, which
will not in all licelyhoode leave me till death. What
to call it I
know not, but it is a bundle of lead, as it were,
crushing my
harte more & more these 14. days, as that all-
though I doe
ye acctions of a liveing man, yet I am but
as
dead; but ye will of God be done. Our
pinass will not cease.
leaking, els
I thinke we had been halfe way at Virginia,
our viage
hither hath been as full of crosses, as our selves
have been of
crokednes. We put in hear to trime her,
& I
* In Governor Bradford's Collection of
Letters, this is Edward Southworth.--
Prince.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 87
thinke; as
others also, if we had stayed at sea but 3. or 4. howers
more, shee
would have sunke right downe. And
though she
was twise trimed at Hamton, yet now shee is
open and
leakie as a seive; and ther was a borde, a man
might have
puld of with his fingers, 2 foote longe, wher
ye
water came in as at a mole hole. We lay
at Hamton 7.
days, in
fair weather, waiting for her, and now we lye hear
waiting for
her in as faire a wind as can blowe, and so have
done these
4. days, apd are like to lye 4. more, and by yt
time ye
wind will happily turne as it did at Hampton.
Our
victualls
will be halfe eaten up, I thinke, before we goe from
the coaste
of England, and if our viage last longe, we shall
not have a
months victialls when we come in ye countrie.
Neare 700li.
hath bene bestowed at Hampton, upon what I
know
not. Mr. Martin saith he neither
can nor will give
any accounte
of it, and if he be called upon for accounts
he clieth
out of unthankfullnes for his paines & care, that
we are
susspitious of him, and flings away, & will end noth-
ing. Also he so insulteh over our poore people, with
shuch
scorne &
contempte, as if they were not good enough to wipe
his
shoes. It would break your hart to see
his dealing,* and
ye
mourning of our people. They complaine
to me, & alass!
I can doe
nothing for them; if I speake to him, he flies
in my face,
as mutinous, and saith no complaints shall be
heard or
received but by him selfe, and saith they are for-
warde, &
waspish, discontented people, & I doe ill to hear
them. Ther are others yt would lose all
they have put in,
or make
satisfaction for what they have had, that they might
departe; but
he will not hear them, nor suffer them to goe
ashore,
least they should rune away. The sailors
also are
so offended
at his ignorante bouldnes, in medling & con-
trouling in
things he knows not what belongs too, as yt some
threaten to
mischeefe him, others say they will leave ye shipe
*He was
governonr in ye biger ship, & Mr. Cnshman assistante.
88 HISTORY OF [CHAP. VIII.
& goe
their way. But at ye best this cometh of it, yt he maks
him selfe a
Scorne & laughing stock unto them.
As for Mr.
Weston,
excepte grace doe greatly swaye with him, he will
hate us ten
times more then ever he loved us, for not con-
firming ye
conditions. But now, since some pinches
have
taken them,
they begine to reveile ye trueth, & say Mr. Robin-
son was in ye
falte who charged them never to consente to
those
conditions, nor chuse me into office, but indeede apointed
them to
chose them they did chose. But he &
they will rue
too late,
they may [44] now see, & all be ashamed when it
is too late,
that they were so ignorante, yea, & so inordinate
in their
courses. I am sure as they were resolved
not to seale
those
conditions, I was not so resolute at Hampton to have left
ye
whole bussines, excepte they would seale them, & better ye
vioage to
have bene broken of then, then to have brought such
miserie to
our selves, dishonour to God, & detrimente to our
loving
freinds, as now it is like to doe. 4. or
5. of ye cheefe of
them which
came from Leyden, came resolved never to goe
on those
conditions. And Mr. Martine,
he said he never re-
ceived no
money on those conditions, he was not beholden to
ye
marchants for a pine, they were bloudsuckers, & I know not
what. Simple man, he indeed never made any conditions
wth
the
marchants, nor ever spake with them. But
did all that
money flie
to Hampton, or was it his owne? Who will
goe &
layout money
so rashly & lavishly as he did, and never know
how he comes
by it, or on what conditions? 21y. I tould him
of ye
alteration longe agoe, & he was contente;
but now he
dominires,
& said I had betrayed them into ye hands of slaves;
he is not
beholden to them, he can set out 2. ships him selfe
to a
viage. When, good man? He hath but 50li.
in, & if he
should give
up his accounts he would not have a penie left
him, as I am
persuaded, ! &c. Freind, if ever we
make a
*I thinke he was deceived in these things.
! This was found true afterward.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 89
plantation,
God works a mirakle; especially considering how
scante we
shall be of victualls, and most of all ununited
amongst our
selves, & devoyd of good tutors & regimente.
Violence
will break all. Wher is ye
meek & humble spirite
of
Moyses? & of Nehemiah who reedified
ye wals of Jerusa-
lem, &
ye state of Israell? Is not ye
sound of Rehoboams
braggs daly
hear amongst us? Have not ye
philosophers and
all wise men
observed yt, even in setled comone welths, vio-
lente
governours bring either them selves, or people, or boath,
to ruine;
how much more in ye raising of comone wealths,
when ye
morter is yet scarce tempered yt should bind ye
wales. If I should write to you of all things which
pro-
miscuously
fore rune our ruine, I should over charge my
weake head
and greeve your tender hart; only this I pray you pre-
pare for
evill tidings of us every day. But pray
for us in-
stantly, it
may be ye Lord will be yet entreated one way or
other to
make for us. I see not in reason how we
shall
escape even
ye gasping of hunger starved persons; but God
can doe
much, & his will be done. It is
better for me to
dye, then
now for me to bear it, which I doe daly, & ex-
pecte it
howerly; haveing received ye sentance of death,
both within
me & without me. Poore William King
& my
selfe doe
strive* who shall be meate first for ye fishes; but
we looke for
a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus
after ye
flesh no more, but looking unto ye joye yt is before
us, we will
endure all these things and accounte them light
in
comparison of yt joye we hope for.
Remember me in all
love to our
freinds as if I named them, whose praiers I
desire
ernestly, & wish againe to see, but not till I can with
more
comforte looke them in ye face.
The Lord give us
that true
comforte which none can take from us. I had a
desire to
make a breefe relation of our estate to some freind.
* In
the manuscript it is "strive dayly," but a pen has been drawn through
the latter
word.
90 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IX.
I doubte not
but your wisdome will teach you seasonably to
utter things
as here after you shall be called to it.
That
which I have
writen is treue, & many things more which I
have
forborne. I write it as upon my life,
and last confes-
sion in
England. What is of use to be spoken
[45] of
presently,
you may speake of it, and what is fitt to conceile,
conceall. Pass by my weake maner, for my head is weake,
& my
body feeble, ye Lord make me strong in him, & keepe
both you
& yours.
Your loving freind,
ROBART CUSHMAN.
Dartmouth,
Aug. 17. 1620.
These being his conceptions & fears at
Dartmouth,
they must
needs be much stronger now at Plimoth.
The 9. Chap.
Of their vioage, & how they passed ye sea, and of their
safe arrivall at Cape Codd.
SEPTR: 6. These troubls being blowne over, and now
all being
compacte togeather in one shipe,* they put
to sea
againe with a prosperus winde, which continued
diverce days
togeather, which was some incourag-
mente unto
them; yet according to ye usuall maner
many were
afflicted with sea-sicknes. And I may
not
omite hear a
spetiall worke of Gods providence. Ther
was a proud
& very profane yonge man, one of ye
sea-men, of
a lustie, able body, which made him the
* For
Governor Bradford's list of passengers in the Mayflower, see Appendix,
No.1.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 91
more hauty;
he would allway be contemning ye
poore
people in
their sicknes, & cursing them dayly with
greeous
execrations, and "did not let to tell them, that
he hoped to
help to cast halfe of them over board
before they
came to their jurneys end, and to make
mery with
what they had; and if he were by any
gently
reproved, he would curse and swear most
bitterly. But it plased God before they came halfe
seas over,
to smite this yong man with a greeveous
disease, of
which he dyed in a desperate maner, and
so was him
selfe ye first yt was throwne overbord.
Thus his
curses light on his owne head; and it was
an
astonishmente to all his fellows, for they noted it
to be ye
just hand of God upon him.
After they had injoyed faire winds and
weather for
a season,
they were incountred many times with crosse
winds, and
mette with many feirce stormes, with which
ye
shipe was shroudly shaken, and her upper works
made very
leakie; and one of the maine beames in
ye
midd ships was bowed & craked, which put them
in some fear
that ye shipe could not be able to per-
forme ye
vioage. So some of ye cheefe
of ye com-
pany,
perceiveing ye mariners to feare ye suffisiencie
of ye
shipe, as appeared by their mutterings, they
entred into
serious consulltation with ye mr. & other
officers of
ye ship, to consider in time of ye danger;
and rather
to returne then to cast them selves into a
desperate
& inevitable perill. And truly ther
was
92 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IX.
great
distraction & differance of opinion amongst ye
mariners
them selves; faine would they doe what
could be
done for their wages sake, (being now halfe
the seas
over,) and on ye other hand they were loath
to hazard
their lives too desperatly. But in
examen-
ing of all
opinions, the mr. & others affirmed they
knew ye
ship to be stronge & firme under water; and
for the
buckling of ye maine beame, ther was a great
iron scrue ye
passengers brought out of Holland, which
would raise
ye beame into his place; ye which being
done, the
carpenter & mr. affirmed that with a post
put under
it, set firme in ye lower deck, & otherways
bounde, he
would make it sufficiente. And as for ye
decks &
uper workes they would calke them as well
as they
could, and though with ye workeing of ye ship
they [46]
would not longe keepe stanch, yet ther
would
otherwise be no great danger, if they did not
overpress
her with sails. So they comited them
selves
to ye
will of God, & resolved to proseede.
In sundrie
of these
stormes the winds were so feirce, & ye seas
so high, as
they could not beare a knote of saile, but
were forced
to hull, for diverce days togither. And
in one of
them, as they thus lay at hull, in a mighty
storme, a
lustie yonge man (called John Howland)
coming upon
some occasion above ye grattings, was,
with a seele
of ye shipe throwne into [ye] sea; but
it pleased
God yt he caught hould of ye top-saile
halliards,
which hunge over board, & rane out at
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION 93
length; yet
he held his hould (though he was sundrie
fadomes
under water) till he was hald up by ye same
rope to ye
brime of ye water, and then with a boat
hooke &
other means got into ye shipe againe, & his
life saved;
and though he was something ill with it,
yet he lived
many years after, and became a profitable
member both
in church & comone wealthe. In all
this
viage ther
died but one of ye passengers, which was
William
Butten, a youth, servant to Samuell Fuller,
when they
drew near ye coast. But to
omite other
things,
(that I may be breefe,) after longe beating at
sea they
fell with that land which is called Cape Cod;
the which
being made & certainly knowne to be it,
they were
not a litle joyful. After some
deliberation
had amongst
them selves & with ye mr. of ye ship, they
tacked
aboute and resolved to stande for ye southward
(ye
wind & weather being faire) to finde some place
aboute
Hudsons river for their habitation. But
after
they had
sailed yt course aboute halfe ye day, they
fell amongst
deangerous shoulds and roring breakers,
and they
were so farr intangled ther with as they
conceived
them selves in great danger; & ye wind
shrinking
upon them withall, they resolved to bear
up againe
for the Cape, and thought them selves hapy
to gett out
of those dangers before night overtooke
them, as by
Gods providence they did. And ye
next
day they
gott into ye Cape-harbor wher they ridd in
saftie. A word or too by ye way of this
cape; it was
94 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IX.
thus first
named by Capten Gosnole & his company, *
An°: 1602,
and after by Capten Smith was caled Cape
James; but
it retains ye former name amongst sea-
men. Also yt pointe which first shewed
those danger-
ous shoulds
unto them, they called Pointe Care, &
Tuckers
Terrour; but ye French & Dutch to this day
call it
Malabarr, by reason of those perilous shoulds,
and ye
losses they have suffered their.
Being thus arived in a good harbor and
brought safe
to land,
they fell upon their knees & blessed ye God
of heaven,
who had brought them over ye vast &
furious
ocean, and delivered them from all ye periles &
miseries
therof, againe to set their feete on ye firme
and stable
earth, their proper elemente. And no
mar-
vell if they
were thus joyefull, seeing wise Seneca
was so
affected with sailing a few miles on ye coast
of his owne
Italy; as he affirmed,! that he had
rather
remaine
twentie years on his way by land, then pass
by sea to
any place in a short time; so tedious &
dreadfull
was ye same unto him.
But hear I cannot but stay and make a
pause, and
stand half
amased at this poore peoples presente con-
dition; and
so I thinke will the reader too, when he
well
considers [47] ye same. Being
thus passed ye
vast ocean,
and a sea of troubles before in their prep-
aration (as
may be remembred by yt which wente
before),
they had now no freinds to wellcome them,
*Because yey
tooke much of yt fishe there !
Epist: 53.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 95
nor inns to
entertaine or refresh their weatherbeaten
bodys, no
houses or much less townes to repaire too,
to seeke for
succoure. It is recorded in scripture *
as a mercie
to ye apostle & his shipwraked company,
yt
the barbarians shewed them no smale kindnes in
refreshing
them, but these savage barbarians, when
they mette
with them (as after will appeare) were
readier to
fill their sids full of arrows then other-
wise. And for ye season it was winter,
and they
that know ye
winters of yt cuntrie know them to be
sharp &
violent, & subjecte to cruell & feirce stormes,
deangerous
to travill to known places, much more to
serch an
unknown coast. Besids, what could they
see
but a
hidious & desolate wildernes, full of wild beasts
& willd
men? and what multituds ther might be of
them they
knew not. Nether could they, as it were,
goe up to ye
tope of Pisgah, to vew from this willder-
nes a more
goodly cuntrie to feed their hops; for
which way
soever they turnd their eys (save up-
ward to ye
heavens) they could have litle solace or
content in
respecte of any outward objects. For
surner being
done, all things stand upon them with
a
wetherbeaten face; and ye whole countrie, full of
woods &
thickets, represented a wild & savage heiw.
If they
looked behind them, ther was ye mighty
ocean which
they had passed, and was now as a
maine barr
& goulfe to seperate them from all ye
*Act. 28.
96 HISTORY OF [CHAP. IX.
civill parts
of ye world. If it be said
they had a
ship to
Sucour them, it is trew; but what heard
they daly
from ye mr. & company? but yt with
speede they
should looke out a place with their
shallop,
wher they would be at some near distance;
for ye
season was shuch as he would not stirr from
thence till
a safe harbor was discovered by them
wher they
would be, and he might goe without
danger; and
that victells consumed apace, but he
must &
would keepe sufficient for them selves &
their
returne. Yea, it was muttered by some,
that
if they gott
not a place in time, they would turne
them &
their goods ashore & leave them. Let
it
also be
considred what weake hopes of supply &
succoure
they left behinde them, yt might bear up
their minds
in this sade condition and trialls they
were under;
and they could not but be very smale.
It is true,
indeed, ye affections & love of their
brethren at
Leyden was cordiall & entire towards
them, but
they had litle power to help them, or
them selves;
and how ye case stode betweene them
& ye
marchants at their coming away, hath allready
been
declared. What could now sustaine them
but
ye
spirite of God & his grace? May not
& ought
not the
children of these fathers rightly say: Our
faithers
were Englishmen which came over this great
ocean, and
were ready to perish in this willdernes;*
*Den: 26. 5, 7.
1620.]
but they
cried unto ye Lord, and he heard their voyce,
and looked
on their adversitie, &c. Let them
therfore
praise ye
Lord, because he is good, & his
mercies en-
durefor
ever. Yea, let them which have been
redeemed
of ye
Lord, shew how he hath delivered them from ye
hand of ye
oppressour. When they wandered in ye;
deserte
willdernes out of ye way, and found no citie
to dwell in,
both hungrie, & thirstie, their sowle was
overwhelmed
in them. Let them confess before ye
Lord
his loving
kindnes, and his wonderfull works before ye
sons of men.
The 10. Chap.
Showing how they sought out a place of
habitation, and
what befell them theraboute.
[48] BEING thus arrived at Cap-Cod ye
11. of
November,
and necessitie calling them to looke out
a place for
habitation, (as well as the maisters &
mariners
importunitie,) they having brought a large
shalop with
them out of England, stowed in quarters
in ye
ship, they now gott her out & sett their carpenters
to worke to
trime her up; but being much brused &
shatered in
ye shipe wth foule weather, they saw she
would be
longe in mending. Wherupon a few of
them
tendered them selves to goe by land and dis-
covere those
nearest places, whilst ye shallop was in
mending; and
ye rather because as they wente into
*107 Psa: v.l, 2, 4, 5, 8.
98 HISTORY OF [CHAP. X.
yt
harbor ther seemed to be an opening some 2. or
3 leagues
of, which ye maister judged to be a river.
It was
conceived ther might be some danger in ye
attempte,
yet seeing them resolute, they were per-
mited to
goe, being 16. of them well armed, under
ye
conduct of Captain Standish, having shuch instruc-
tions given
them as was thought meete. They sett
forth ye
15. of Novebr: and when they had marched
aboute ye
space of a mile by ye sea side, they espied
5. or 6.
persons with a dogg coming towards them,
who were
salvages; but they fled from them, & rane
up into ye
woods, and ye English followed them,
partly to
see if they could speake with them, and
partly to
discover if ther might not be more of them
lying in
ambush. But ye Indeans seeing
them selves
thus
followed, they againe forsooke the woods, & rane
away on ye
sands as hard as they could, so as they
could not
come near them, but followed them by ye
tracte of
their feet sundrie miles, and saw that they
had come the
same way. So, night coming on, they
made their
randevous & set out their sentinels, and
rested in
quiete yt night, and the next morning fol-
lowed their
tracte till they had headed a great creake,
& so
left the sands, & turned an other way into ye
woods. But they still followed them by geuss, hope-
ing to find
their dwellings; but they soone lost both
them &
them selves, falling into shuch thickets as
were ready
to tear their cloaths & armore in peeces,
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 99
but were
most distresed for wante of drinke. But
at length
they found water & refreshed them selves
being ye
first New-England water they drunke of, and
was now in
thir great thirste as pleasante unto them
as wine or
bear had been in for-times. Afterwards
they
directed their course to come to ye other [49]
shore, for
they knew it was a necke of land they
were to
crosse over, and so at length gott to ye
sea-side,
and marched to this supposed river, & by
ye
way found a pond of clear fresh water, and shortly
after a good
quantitie of clear ground wher ye Indeans
had formerly
set corne, and some of their graves.
And
proceeding furder they saw new-stuble wher
corne had been
set ye same year, also they found
wher latly a
house had been, wher some planks and
a great
ketle was remaining, and heaps of sand newly
padled with
their hands, which they, digging up, found
in them
diverce faire Indean baskets filled with corne,
and some in
eares, faire and good, of diverce collours,
which seemed
to them a very goodly sight, (haveing
never seen
any shuch before). This was near ye
place
of that
supposed river they came to seeck; unto which
they wente
and found it to open it selfe into 2. armes
with a high
cliffe of sand in ye enterance, but more
like to be
crikes of salte water then any fresh, for
ought they
saw; and that ther was good harborige
for their
shalope; leaving it further to be discovered
by their
shalop when she was ready. So their time
100 HISTORY OF [CHAP. X.
limeted them
being expired, they returned to ye ship,
least they
should be in fear of their saftie; and tooke
with them
parte of ye corne, and buried up ye rest,
and so like
ye men from Eshcoll carried with them
of ye
fruits of ye land, & showed their breethren; of
which, &
their returne, they were marvelusly glad, and
their harts
incouraged.
After this, ye shalop being
got ready, they set out
againe for ye
better discovery of this place, & ye mr.
of ye
ship desired to goe him selfe, so ther went
some 30.
men, but found it to be no harbor for
ships but
only for boats; ther was allso found 2.
of their
houses covered with matts, & sundrie of
their
implements in them, but ye people were rune
away &
could not be seen; also ther was found
more of
their corne, & of their beans of various
collours. The corne & beans they brought away,
purposing to
give them full satisfaction when they
should meete
with any of them (as about some 6.
months
afterward they did, to their good contente).
And here is
to be noted a spetiall providence of
God, and a
great mercie to this poore people, that
hear they
gott seed to plant them corne ye next
year, or els
they might have starved, for they had
none, nor
any liklybood to get any [50] till ye season
had beene
past (as ye sequell did manyfest).
Neither
is it lickly
they had had this, if ye first viage had
not been
made, for the ground was now all covered
1620.]
with snow,
& hard frozen. But the Lord is never
wanting unto
his in their greatest needs; let his holy
name have
all ye praise.
The month of November being spente in
these affairs,
& much
foule weather falling in, the 6. of Desemr: they
sente out
their shallop againe with 10. of their prin-
cipall men,
& some sea men, upon further discovery,
intending to
circulate that deepe bay of Cap-codd.
The weather
was very could, & it frose so hard as
ye
sprea of ye sea lighting on their coats, they were
as if they
had been glased; yet that night betimes
they gott
downe into ye botome of ye bay, and as
they drue
nere ye shore they saw some 10. or 12.
Indeans very
busie aboute some thing. They landed
aboute a
league or 2. from them, and had much a
doe to put a
shore any wher, it lay so full of flats.
Being
landed, it grew late, and they made them selves
a barricade
with loggs & bowes as well as they could
in ye
time, & set out their sentenill & betooke them
to rest, and
saw ye smoake of ye fire ye savages made
yt
night. When morning was come they
devided their
company,
some to coaste along ye shore in ye boate,
and the rest
marched throw ye woods to see ye land,
if any fit
place might be for their dwelling. They
came allso
to ye place wher they saw the Indans ye
night
before, & found they had been cuting up a great
fish like a
grampus, being some 2. inches thike of
fate like a
hogg, some peeces wher of they had left
102 HISTORY OF [CHAP. X.
by ye
way; and ye shallop found 2. more of these
fishes dead
on ye sands, a thing usuall after storms
in yt
place, by reason of ye great flats of sand that
lye of. So they ranged up and doune all yt
day,
but found no
people, nor any place they liked. When
ye
sune grue low, they hasted out of ye woods to meete
with their
shallop, to whom they made signes to come
to them into
a creeke hardby, the which they did at
high water;
of which they were very glad, for they had
not seen
each other all yt day, since ye morning. So
they made
them a barricado (as usually they did every
night) with
loggs, staks, & thike pine bowes, ye height
of a man,
leaving it open to leeward, partly to shelter
them from ye
could & wind (making their fire in ye
midle, &
lying round aboute it), and partly to defend
them from
any sudden assaults of ye savags, if they
should
surround them. So being very weary, they
betooke them
to rest. But aboute midnight, [51] they
heard a
hideous & great crie, and their sentinell caled,
"Arme,
arme"; so they bestired them & stood to their
armes, &
shote of a cupple of moskets, and then the
noys
seased. They concluded it was a companie
of
wolves, or
such like willd beasts; for one of ye sea
men tould
them he had often heard shuch a noyse in
New-found
land. So they rested till about 5. of ye
clock in the
morning, for ye tide, & ther purposs to
goe from
thence, made them be stiring betimes. So
after praier
they prepared for breakfast, and it being
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION 103
day dawning,
it was thought best to be earring things
downe to ye
boate. But some said it was not best
to carrie ye
armes downe, others said they would be
the readier,
for they had laped them up in their coats
from ye
dew. But some 3. or 4. would not cary
theirs till they
wente them selves, yet as it fell out,
ye
water being not high enough, they layed them
downe on ye
banke side, & came up to breakfast.
But
presently, all on ye sudain, they heard a great
&
strange crie, which they knew to be the same
voyces they
heard in ye night, though they varied
their notes,
& one of their company being abroad
came runing
in, & cried, "Men, Indeans, Indeans";
and wthall,
their arowes came flying amongst them.
Their men
rane with all speed to recover their armes,
as by ye
good providence of God they did. In ye
mean time,
of those that were ther ready, tow muskets
were
discharged at them, & 2. more stood ready in
ye
enterance of ther randevoue, but were comanded
not to
shoote till they could take full aime at them;
& ye
other 2. charged againe with all speed, for ther
were only 4.
had armes ther, & defended ye baricado
which was
first assalted. The crie of ye
lndeans was
dreadfull,
espetially when they saw ther men rune out
of ye
randevoue towourds ye shallop, to recover their
armes, the
lndeans wheeling aboute upon them. But
some runing
out with coats of malle on, & cutlasses
in their
hands, they soone got their armes, & let flye
104 HISTORY OF [CHAP. X.
amongs them,
and quickly stopped their violence. Yet
ther was a
lustie man, and no less valiante, stood be-
hind a tree
within halfe a musket shot, and let his
arrows flie
at them. He was seen shoot 3. arrowes,
which were
all avoyded. He stood 3. shot of a
musket, till
one taking full aime at him, and made
ye
barke or splinters of ye tree :fly about his ears,
after which
he gave an extraordinary shrike, and away
they wente
all of them. They left some to keep ye
shalop, and
followed them aboute a quarter of a mille,
and shouted
once or twise, and shot of 2. or 3. peces,
& so
returned. This they did, that they might
con-
ceive that
they were not [52] affrade of them or any
way
discouraged. Thus it pleased God to
vanquish
their
enimies, and give them deliverance; and by
his spetiall
providence so to dispose that not any one
of them were
either hurte, or hitt, though their
arrows came
close by them, & on every side them,
and sundry
of their coats, which hunge up in ye
barricado,
were shot throw & throw. Aterwards
they
gave God
sollamne thanks & praise for their deliver-
ance, &
gathered up a bundle of their arrows, &
sente them
into England afterward by ye mr. of ye
ship, and
called that place ye first encounter. From
hence they
departed, & costed all along, but discerned
no place
likly for harbor; & therfore hasted to a place
that their
pillote, (one Mr. Coppin who had
bine in ye
cuntrie before) did assure them was a good
1620.]
harbor,
which he bad been in, and they might fetch
it before
night; of which they were glad, for it be-
gane to be
foule weather. After some houres
sailing,
it begane to
snow & raine, & about ye midle of ye
afternoons,
ye wind increased, & ye sea became very
rough, and
they broake their rudder, & it was as much
as 2. men
could doe to steere her with a cupple of
oares. But their pillott bad them be of good cheere,
for he saw ye
harbor; but ye storme increasing, &
night
drawing on, they bore what saile they could to
gett in,
while they could see. But herwith they
broake their
mast in 3. peeces, & their saill fell over
bord, in a
very grown sea, so as they had like to
have been
cast away; yet by Gods mercie they re-
covered them
selves, & having ye floud with them
struck into
ye harbore. But when it came
too, ye
pillott was
deceived in ye place, and said, ye Lord
be mercifull
unto them, for his evs never saw yt
place
before; &, he & the mr. ate would have rune
her ashore,
in a cove full of breakers, before ye winde.
But a lusty
seaman which steered, bad those which
rowed, if
they were men, about with her, or ell they
were all
cast away; the which they did with speed.
So he bid
them be of good cheere & row lustly, for
ther was a
faire sound before them, & he doubted not
but they
should find one place or other wher they
might ride
in saftie. And though it was very
dark,
and rained
sore, yet in ye end they gott, under ye lee
106 HISTORY OF [CHAP. X.
of a smalle
iland, and remained ther all yt night in
saftie. But they knew not this to be an iland till
morning, but
were derided in their minds; some would
keepe ye
boate for fear they might be amongst ye
Indians;
others were so weake and could, they could
not endure,
but got a shore, & with much adoe got
fire, (all
things being so wett,) and ye rest were glad
to come to
them; for after midnight ye wind shifted
to the [53]
north-west, & it frose hard. But
though
this had
been a day & night of much trouble &
danger unto
them, yet God gave them a morning of
comforte
& refreshing (as usually he doth to his child-
dren), for ye
next day was a faire sunshinig day, and
they found
them sellvs to be on an iland secure from
ye
Indeans, wher they might drie their stufe, fixe their
peeces,
& rest them selves, and gave God thanks for
his mercies,
in their manifould deliverances. And
this
being the last
day of ye weeke, they prepared ther to
keepe ye
Sabath. On Munday they
sounded ye harbor,
and founde
it fitt for shipping; and marched into ye
land, &
found diverse cornfeilds, & title runing brooks,
a place (as
they supposed) fitt for situation; at least
it was ye
best they could find, and ye season, & their
presente
necessitie, made them glad to accepte of it.
So they
returned to their shipp againe with this news
to ye
rest of their people, which did much comforte
their harts.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 107
On ye
15. of Desemr: they wayed anchor to goe to
ye
place they had discovered, & came within 2. leagues
of it, but
were faine to bear up againe; but ye 16.
day ye
winde came faire, and they arrived safe in this
harbor. And after wards tooke better view of ye
place, and
resolved wher to pitch their dwelling;
and ye
25. day begane to erecte ye first house for
comone use
to receive them and their goods.
The 2. Booke.
THE rest of this History (if God give me
life, &
opportunitie)
I shall, for brevitis sake, handle by way
of annalls,
noteing only the heads of principall things,
and passages
as they fell in order of time, and may
seeme to be
profitable to know, or to make use of.
And this may
be as ye 2. Rooke.
The remainder of Ano: 1620.
I SHALL a litle returne backe and begine
with a
combination
made by them before they came ashore,
being ye
first foundation of their govermente in this
place;
occasioned partly by ye discontented & mutinous
speeches
that some of the strangers amongst them had
let fall
from them in ye ship --That when they came
a shore they
would use their owne libertie; for none
had power to
comand them, the patente they had
being for
Virginia, and not for New-england, which
belonged to
an other Goverment, with which ye Vir-
ginia
Company had nothing to doe. And partly
that
shuch an
[54] acte by them done (this their condi-
tion
considered) might be as firme as any patent, and
in some
respects more sure.
The forme was as followeth.
110 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
In ye name of God, Amen. We whose names
are under-
writen, the
loyall subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King
James, by ye grace of God, of Great Britaine, Franc, &
king,
defender of ye faith, &c., haveing undertaken, for ye glorie
of God, and
advancemente of ye Christian faith, and honour of
our king
& countrie, a voyage to plant ye
first colonie in ye
Northerne
parts of
mutualy in ye presence of God, and one of another, covenant
&
combine our selves togeather into a civill body politick, for
our better
ordering & preservation & furtherance of ye ends
aforesaid;
and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and
frame such
just & equall lawes, ordinances, acts, constitu-
tions, &
offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most
meete &
convenient for ye generall good of ye Colonie, unto
which we
promise all due submission and obedience.
In witnes
wherof we
have hereunder subscribed our names at Cap-Codd
ye 11. of November, in ye year
of ye raigne of our soveraigne
lord, King
James, of England, France, & Ireland ye
eighteenth,
and of
Scotland ye fiftie fourth. Ano:
Dom. 1620.
After this they chose, or rather
confirmed, Mr. John
Carver (a
man godly & well approved amongst them)
their
Governour for that year. And after they
had
provided a
place for their goods, or common store,
(which were
long in unlading for want of boats,
foulnes of
winter weather, and sicknes of diverce,)
and begune
some small cottages for their habitation,
as time
would admitte, they mette and consulted of
lawes &
orders, both for their civill & military Gov-
ermente, ye
necessitie of their condition did re-
quire, still
adding therunto as urgent occasion in
severall
times, and as cases did require.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 111
In these hard & difficulte beginings
they found some
discontents
& murmurings arise amongst some, and
mutinous
speeches & carriags in other; but they were
soone
quelled & overcome by ye wisdome, patience,
and just
& equall carrage of things by ye Govr and
better part,
wch clave faithfully togeather in ye maine.
But that
which was most sadd & lamentable was,
that in 2.
or 3. moneths time halfe of their com-
pany dyed,
espetialy in Jan: & February, being ye
depth of
winter, and wanting houses & other com-
forts; being
infected with ye scurvie & [55] other
diseases,
which this long vioage & their inacomodate
condition
had brought upon them; so as ther dyed
some times
2. or 3. of a day, in ye foresaid time;
that of 100.
& odd persons, scarce 50. remained.
And
of these in
ye time of most distres, ther was but 6.
or 7. sound
persons, who, to their great comendations
be it
spoken, spared no pains, night nor day, but
with
abundance of toyle and hazard of their owne
health,
fetched them woode, made them fires, drest
them meat,
made their beads, washed their lothsome
cloaths,
cloathed & uncloathed them; in a word, did
all ye
homly & necessarie offices for them wch dainty
& quesie
stomacks cannot endure to hear named; and
all this
willingly & cherfully, without any grudging
in ye
least, shewing herein their true love unto their
freinds
& bretheren. A rare example &
worthy to
be
remembred. Tow of these 7. were Mr.
William
112 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Brewster,
ther reverend Elder, & Myles Standish, ther
Captein
& military comander, unto whom my selfe,
& many
others, were much beholden in our low &
sicke
condition. And yet the Lord so upheld
these
persons, as
in this generall calamity they were not at
all infected
either with sicknes, or lamnes. And what
I have said
of these, I may say of many others who
dyed in this
generall vissitation, & others yet living,
that whilst
they had health, yea, or any strength con-
tinuing,
they were not wanting to any that had need
of
them. And I doute not but their
recompence is
with ye
Lord.
But I may not hear pass by an other remarkable
passage not
to be forgotten. As this calamitie fell
among ye
passengers that were to be left here to
plant, and
were hasted a shore and made to drinke
water, that
ye sea-men might have ye more bear, and
one* in his
sicknes desiring but a small cann of
beere, it
was answered, that if he were their owne
father he
should have none; the disease begane to
fall amongst
them also, so as allmost halfe of their
company dyed
before they went away, and many of
their
officers and lustyest men, as ye boatson, gunner,
3.
quarter-maisters, the cooke, & others.
At wch ye
mr.
was something strucken and sent to ye sick a
shore and
tould ye Govr he should send for beer for
them that
had need of it, though he drunke water
*Which was this author him selfe.
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 113
homward
bound. But now amongst his company [56]
ther was
farr another kind of carriage in this miserie
then amongst
ye passengers; for they that before had
been bootie
companions in drinking, & joyllity in ye
time of
their health & wellfare, beoane now to deserte
one another
in this calamities saing, they would not
hasard ther
lives for them, they should be infected
by coming to
help them in their cabins, and so, after
they came to
dye by it, would doe litle or nothing
for them,
but if they dyed let them dye. But shuch
of ye
passengers as were et abord shewed them what
mercy they
could, wch made some of their harts re-
lente, as ye
boatson (& some others), who was a
prowd yonge
man, and would often curse & scofe at
ye
passengers; but when he grew weak, they had
compassion
on him and helped him; then he con-
fessed he
did not deserve it at their hands, he had
abused them
in word & deed. O! saith he, you, I
now see,
shew your love like Christians indeed one
to another,
but we let one another lye & dye like
doggs. Another lay cursing, his wife, saing, if it
had
not ben for
her he had never come this unlucky viage,
and anone
cursing his felows, saing he had done this
& that,
for some of them, he had spente so much,
& so
much, amongst them, and they were now weary
of him, and
did not help him, having need. Another
gave his
companion all he had, if he died, to help
him in his
weaknes; he went and got a litle spise
114 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
& made
him a mess of meat once or twise, and be-
cause he
dyed not so soone as he expected, he went
amongst his
fellows, & swore ye rogue would cousen
him, he
would see him choaked before he made him
any more
meate; and yet ye pore fellow dyed before
morning.
All this while ye Indians came
skulking about them,
and would
sometimes show them selves aloofe of, but
when any
aproached near them, they would rune away.
And once
they stoale away their tools wher they had
been at
worke, & were gone to diner. But
about ye
16. of March
a certaine Indian came bouldly amongst
them, and
spoke to them in broken English, which
they could
well understand, but marvelled at it. At
length they
understood by discourse with him, that he
was not of
these parts, but belonged to ye eastrene
parts, wher
some English-ships came to fhish, with
whom he was
aquainted, & could name sundrie of
them by
their names, amongst whom he had gott his
language. He became proftable to them [57] in
aquainting
them with many things concerning ye state
of ye
cuntry in ye east-parts wher he lived, which was
afterwards
profitable unto them; as also of ye people
hear, of
their names, number, & strength; of their
situation
& distance from this place, and who was
cheefe amongst
them. His name was Samaset; he
tould them
also of another Indian whos name was
Squanto, a
native of this place, who had been in Eng-
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 115
land &
could speake better English then him selfe.
Being, after
some time of entertainments & gifts, dis-
mist, a
while after he came againe, & 5. more with
him, &
they brought againe all ye tooles that were
stolen away
before, and made way for ye coming of
their great
Sachem, called Massasoyt; who, about 4.
or 5. days
after, came with
the cheefe of his freinds
& other
attendance, with the aforesaid Squanto.
With
whom, after
frendly entertainment, & some gifts given
him, they
made a peace with him (which hath now
continued
this 24. years) in these terms.
1.
That neither he nor any of his, should injurie
or doe hurte
to any of their peopl.
2.
That if any of his did any hurte to any of
theirs, he
should send ye offender, that they might
punish him.
3.
That if any thing, were taken away from any of
theirs, he
should cause it to be restored; and they
should doe ye
like to his.
4.
If any did unjustly warr against him, they would
aide him; if
any did warr against them, he should
aide them.
5.
He should send to his neighbours confederats,
to certifie
them of this, that they might not wrong
them, but
might be likewise comprised in ye condi-
tions of
peace.
6.
That when ther men came to them, they should
leave their
bows & arrows behind them.
116 HISTORY
OF [BOOK II.
After these things he returned to his
place caled
Sowams, some 40. mile from this place, but Squanto
contiued
with them, and was their interpreter, and
was a
spetiall instrument sent of God for their good
beyond their
expectation. He directed them how to
set their
corne, wher to take fish, and to procure other
comodities,
and was also their pilott to bring them to
unknowne
places for their profitt, and never left them
till he
dyed. He was a native [58] of the
place, &
scarce any
left alive besids him selfe. He was
caried
away with
diverce others by one Hunt, a mr. of a
ship, who
thought to sell them for slaves in Spaine;
but he got
away for
marchante in
land &
other parts, & lastly brought hither into these
parts by one
Mr. Dermer, a gentle-man imployed by
Sr.
Ferdinando Gorges & others, for discovery, & other
designes in
these parts. Of whom I shall say some
thing,
because it is mentioned in a booke set forth
Ano:
1622. by ye Presidente & Counsell for New-Eng-
land,* that he made ye peace betweene ye
salvages
of these
parts & ye English; of which this planta-
tion, as it
is intimated, had ye benefite.
But what a
peace it
was, may apeare by what befell him & his
men.
This Mr. Dermer was hear the
same year that these
people came,
as apears by a relation written by him,
*Page 17.
162O.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 117
& given
me by a freind, bearing date June 30. Ano:
1620. And they came in Novembr: following,
so ther
was but 4.
months differance. In which relation to
his honored
freind, he hath these passages of this very
place.
I will first begine (saith he) wth that place from whence
Squanto, or Tisquantem, was taken away; wch in Cap: Smiths
mape is called Plimoth: and I would
that Plimoth had ye like
comodities. I would that the first plantation might hear
be
seated, if
ther come to the number of 50. persons, or upward.
Otherwise at
Charlton, because ther ye savages are lese to be
feared. The Pocanawkits, which live to ye west of Plimoth,
bear an
inveterate malice to ye English, and are of more
streingth
then all ye savags from thence to Penobscote. Their
desire of
revenge was occasioned by an English man, who hav-
ing many of
them on bord, made a great slaughter with their
murderers
& smale shot, when as (they say) they offered no
injurie on
their parts. Whether they were English
or no, it
may be
douted; yet they beleeve they were, for ye
Frenche
have so
possest them; for which cause Squanto canot deney
but they
would have kiled me when I was at Namasket, had
he not
entreated hard for me. The soyle of ye borders of
[59] this
great bay, may be compared to most of ye
planta-
tions which
I have seene in Virginia. The land is of
diverce
sorts; for Patuxite
is a hardy but strong soyle, Nawsel &
Saughtughtett are for ye most part a blakish & deep mould,
much like
that wher groweth ye best Tobaco in Virginia.
In ye botume of yt great bay is store of Codd & basse,
or
mulett,
&c.
But above
all he comends Pacanawkite for ye richest
soyle, and
much open ground fitt for English graine, &c.
118 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Massachussets is about 9. leagues from Plimoth,
& situate
in ye mids betweene both, is full of ilands & peninsules very
fertill for
ye most parte.
With sundrie shuch relations which I
forbear to tran-
scribe,
being now better knowne then they were to him.
He was taken prisoner by ye
Indeans at Manamoiak
(a place not
farr from hence, now well knowne). He
gave them
what they demanded for his liberty, but
when they
had gott what they desired, they kept him
still &
indevored to kill his men; but he was freed
by seasing
on some of them, and kept them bound
till they
gave him a cannows load of corne. Of
which, see
Purch: lib. 9. fol. 1778. But this was
An°: 1619.
After ye writing of ye
former relation he came to
ye
Ile of Chapawack (which lyes south of this place
in ye
way to Virginia), and ye foresaid Squanto wth
him, wher he
going a shore amongst ye Indans to
trad, as he
used to doe, was betrayed & assaulted by
them, &
all his men slaine, but one that kept the boat;
but him
selfe gott abord very sore wounded, & they
had cut of
his head upon ye cndy of his boat, had
not ye
man reskned him with a sword. And so
they
got away,
& made shift to gett into Virginia, wher
he dyed;
whether of his wounds or ye diseases of
ye
cuntrie, or both togeather, is uncertaine.
[60] By
all which it
may appeare how farr these people were
from peace,
and with what danger this plantation was
1620.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 119
begune, save
as ye powerfull hand of the Lord did
protect
them. These things* were partly the
reason
why they
kept aloofe & were so long before they
came to the
English. An other reason (as after them
selvs made
know) was how aboute 3. years before, a
French-ship
was cast away at Cap-Codd, but ye men
gott ashore,
& saved their lives, and much of their
victails,
& other goods; but after ye lndeans heard
of it, they
geathered togeather from these parts, and
never left
watching & dogging them till they got
advantage, and
kild them all but 3. or 4. which they
kept, &
sent from one Sachem to another, to make
sporte with,
and used them worse then slaves; (of
which ye
foresaid Mr. Dermer redeemed 2. of them;)
and they
conceived this ship was now come to re-
venge it.
Also, (as after was made knowne,) before
they came
to ye
English to make freindship, they gott all the
Powachs of ye cuntrie, for 3. days
togeather, in a
horid and
divellish maner to curse & execrate them
with their
cunjurations, which asembly & service they
held in a
darke & dismale swampe.
But to returnee. The spring now approaching, it
pleased God
the mortalitie begane to cease amongst
them, and ye
sick and lame recovered apace, which
put as it
were new life into them; though they had
borne their
sadd affliction with much patience & con-
*Thing in the manuscript.
120 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
tentednes,
as I thinke any people could doe. But it
was ye
Lord which upheld them, and had beforehand
prepared
them; many having long borne ye yoake, yea
from their
youth. Many other smaler maters omite,
sundrie of
them having been allready published in a
Jurnall made
by one of ye company; and some other
passages of
jurneys and relations allredy published, to
which I
referr those that are willing to know them
more
perticulerly. And being now come to ye
25.
of March I
shall begine ye year 1621.
[61] Anno. 1621.
THEY now begane to dispatch ye
ship away which
brought them
over, which lay tille aboute this time,
or ye
begining of Aprill. The reason on their
parts
why she
stayed so long, was ye necessitie and danger
that lay
upon them, for it was well towards ye ende
of Desember
before she could land any thing hear, or
they able to
receive any thing ashore. Afterwards,
ye
14. of Jan: the house which they had made for a
generall
randevoze by casulty fell afire, and some were
faine to
retire abord for shilter. Then the
sicknes
begane to
fall sore amongst them, and ye weather so
bad as they
could not make much sooner any dispatch.
Againe, the
Govr & cheefe of them, seeing so many
dye, and
fall downe sick dayly, thought it no wisdom
to send away
the ship, their condition considered, and
ye
danger they stood in from ye Indeans, till they
1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 121
could
procure some shelter; and therfore thought it
better to
draw some more charge upon them selves
&
freinds, then hazard all. The mr.
and sea-men like-
wise, though
before they hasted ye passengers a shore
to be goone,
now many of their men being dead, &
of ye
ablest of them, (as is before noted,) and of
ye
rest many lay sick & weake, ye mr. durst not put
to sea, till
he saw his men begine to recover, and ye
hart of
winter over.
Afterwards they (as many as were able)
began to
plant ther
corne, in which servise Squanto stood them
in great
stead, showing them both ye maner how to
set it, and
after how to dress & tend it. Also
he
tould them
excepte they gott fish & set with it (in
these old
grounds) it would come to nothing, and he
showed them
yt in ye midle of Aprill they should have
store enough
come up ye brooke, by which they be-
gane to
build, and taught them how to take it, and
wher to get
other provissions necessary for them; all
which they
found true by triall & experience.
Some
English seed
they sew, as wheat & pease, but it came
not to good,
eather by ye badnes of ye seed, or latenes
of ye
season, or both, or some other defecte.
[62]
In this month of Aprill whilst they were bussie
about their
seed, their Govr (Mr. John Carver) came
out of ye
feild very sick, it being a hott day; he
complained
greatly of his head, and lay downe, and
within a few
howers his sences failed, so as he never
122 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
spake more
till he dyed, which was within a few days
after. Whoss death was much lamented, and caused
great
heavines amongst them, as ther was cause.
He
was buried
in ye best maner they could, with some
vollies of
shott by all that bore armes; and his wife,
being a weak
woman, dyed within 5. or 6. weeks after
him.
Shortly after William Bradford was chosen
Gover
in his
stead, and being not yet recoverd of his ilnes,
in which he
had been near ye point of death; Isaak
Allerton was
chosen to be an Asistante unto him,
who, by
renewed election every year, continued sundry
years
togeather, which I hear note once for all.
May 12. was ye first
mariage in this place, which,
according to
ye laudable custome of ye Low-Cuntries,
in which
they had lived, was thought most requisite
to be
performed by the magistrate, as being a civill
thing, upon
which many questions aboute inheritances
doe depende,
with other things most proper to their
cognizans,
and most consonante to ye scripturs, Ruth
4. and no
wher found in ye gospell to be layed on
ye
ministers as a part of their office.
"This decree
or law about
mariage was published by ye Stats of
ye
Low-Cuntries Ano: 1590. That
those of any re-
ligion,
after lawfull and open publication, coming before
ye magistrats, in ye Town or Stat-house, were to be
orderly (by
them) maried one to another."
Petets
Hist. fol:
1029. And this practiss hath continued
1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 123
amongst, not
only them, but hath been followed by
all ye
famous churches of Christ in these parts to
this time,
-- Ano: 1646.
Haveing in some sorte ordered their
bussines at
home, it was
thought meete to send some abroad to
see their
new freind Massasoyet, and to bestow upon
him some
gratuitie to bind him ye faster unto them;
as also that
hearby they might veiw ye countrie, and
see in what
maner he lived, what strength he had
aboute him,
and how ye ways were to his place, if
at any time
they should have occasion. So ye
2. of
July they sente Mr. Edward Winslow
& Mr. Hopkins,
with ye
foresaid Squanto for ther guid, who gave him
a suite of
cloaths, and a horsemans coate, with some
other small
things, which were kindly accepted; but
they found
but short comons, and came both weary
&
hungrie home. For ye lndeans
used then to have
nothing [63]
so much corne as they have since ye
English have
stored them with their hows, and seene
their
industrie in breaking up new grounds therwith.
They found
his place to be 40.
miles from hence, ye
soyle good,
& ye people not many, being dead &
abundantly
wasted in ye late great mortalitie which
fell in all
these parts aboute three years before ye
coming of ye
English, wherin thousands of them dyed,
they not
being able to burie one another; ther sculs
and bones
were found in many places lying still above
ground,
where their houses & dwellings had been; a
124 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
very sad
spectackle to behould. But they brought
word that ye
Narighansets lived but on ye other side
of that
great bay, & were a strong people, & many
in number,
living compacte togeather; & had not been
at all
touched with this wasting plague.
Aboute ye later end of this
month, one John Billing-
ton lost him
selfe in ye woods, & wandered up &
downe some
5. days, living on beries & what he could
find. At length he light on an Indean plantation,
20.
mils south
of this place, called Manamet, they conveid
him furder
of, to Nawsett, among those peopl that had
before set
upon ye English when they were costing,
whilest ye
ship lay at ye Cape, as is before noted.
But ye
Gover caused him to be enquired for among
ye
Indeans, and at length Massassoyt sent word wher
he was, and
ye Gover sent a shalop for him, & had
him
delivered. Those people also came and
made their
peace; and
they gave full satisfaction to those whose
corne they
had found & taken when they were at Cap-
Codd.
Thus ther peace & aquaintance was
prety well estab-
lisht wth
the natives aboute them; and ther was an
other Indean
called Hobamack come to live amongst
them, a
proper lustie man, and a man of accounte
for his
vallour & parts amongst ye Indeans, and con-
tinued very
faithfull _and constant to ye English till
he
dyed. He & Squanto being gone upon
bussines
amonge ye
Indeans, at their returne (whether it was
1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 125
out of envie
to them or malice to the English) ther
was a Sachem
called Corbitant, alyed to Massassoyte,
but never
any good freind to ye English to "this day,
mett with
them at an lndean towne caled Namassakett
14. miles to
ye west of this place, and begane to
quarell wth
[64] them, and offered to stabe Hobamack;
but being a
lusty man, he cleared him selfe of him,
and came
runing away all sweating and tould ye Govr
what had
befalne him, and he feared they had killed
Squanto, for
they threatened them both, and for no
other cause
but because they were freinds to ye Eng-
lish, and
servisable unto them. Upon this ye
Gover
taking
counsell, it was conceivd not fitt to be borne;
for if they
should suffer their freinds & messengers
thus to be
wronged, they should have none would
cleave unto
them, or give them any inteligence, or
doe them
serviss afterwards; but nexte they would
fall upon
them selves. Whereupon it was resolved
to
send ye
Captaine & 14. men well armed, and to goe
& fall
upon them in ye night; and if they found that
Squanto was
kild, to cut of Corbitants head, but not
to hurt any
but those that had a hand in it. Hoba-
mack was
asked if he would goe & be their guid,
& bring
them ther before day. He said he would,
&
bring them
to ye house wher the man lay, and show
them which
was he. So they set forth ye
14. of
August, and
beset ye house round; the Captin giving
charg to let
none pass out, entred ye house to search
126 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
for
him. But he was goone away that day, so
they
mist him;
but understood yt. Squanto was alive, &
that he had
only threatened to kill him, & made an
offer to
stabe him but did not. So they withheld
and did no
more hurte, & ye people came trembling,
&
brought them the best provissions they had, after
they were
aquainted by Hobamack what was only in-
tended. Ther was 3. sore wounded which broak out
of ye
house, and asaid to pass through ye garde.
These they
brought home with them, & they had
their wounds
drest & cured, and sente home. After
this they
had many gratulations from diverce sachims,
and much
firmer peace; yea, those of ye Iles of Capa-
wack sent to
make frendship; and this Corbitant him
selfe used ye
mediation of Massassoyte to make his
peace, but
was shie to come neare them a longe while
after.
After this, ye 18. of Sepembr:
they sente out ther
shalop to
the Massachusets, with 10. men, and Squanto
for their
guid and [65] interpreter, to discover and
veiw that
bay, and trade with ye natives; the which
they
performed, and found kind entertainement.
The
people were
much affraid of ye Tarentins, a people to
ye
eastward which used to come in harvest time and
take away
their corne, & many times kill their persons.
They
returned in saftie, and brought home a good
quanty of
beaver, and made reporte of ye place, wish-
ing they had
been ther seated; (but it seems ye Lord,
1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 127
who assignes
to all men ye bounds of their habitations,
had apoynted
it for an other use. And thus they
found ye
Lord to be with them in all their ways, and
to blesse
their outgoings & incomings, for which let
his holy
name have ye praise for ever, to all posteritie.
They begane now to gather in ye
small harvest they
had, and to
fitte up their houses and dwellings against
winter,
being all well recovered in health & strenght,
and had all
things in good plenty; for as some were
thus
imployed in affairs abroad, others were excersised
in fishing,
aboute codd, & bass, & other fish, of which
yey
tooke good store, of which every family had their
portion. All ye somer ther was no wante. And now
begane to
come in store of foule, as winter aproached,
of which
this place did abound when they came first
(but
afterward decreased by degrees). And
besids
water foule,
ther was great store of wild Turkies, of
which they
tooke many, besids venison, &c.
Besids
they had
aboute a peck a meale a weeke to a person,
or now since
harvest, Indean corne to yt proportion.
Which made
many afterwards write so largly of their
plenty hear
to their freinds in England, which were
not rained,
but true reports.
In Novembr, about yt
time twelfe month that them
selves came,
ther came in a small ship to them unex-
pected or
loked for,* in which came Mr. Cushman (so
much spoken
of before) and with him 35. persons to
*She came ye 9. to ye
Cap.
128 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
remaine
& live in ye plantation; which did not a litle
rejoyce
them. And they when they came a shore
and
found all
well, and saw plenty of vitails in every
house, were
no less glade. For most of them were
lusty yonge
men, and many of them wild enough,
who litle
considered whither or aboute what they
wente, till
they came into ye harbore at Cap-Codd,
and ther saw
nothIng but a naked and barren place.
They then
begane to thinke what should become of
them, if the
people here were dead or cut of by ye
Indeans. They begane to consulte (upon some speeches
that some of
ye sea-men had cast out) to take ye sayls
from ye
yeard least ye ship [66] should gett away and
leave them
ther. But ye mr.
hereing of it, gave them
good words,
and tould them if any thing but well
should have
befallne ye people hear, he hoped he had
vitails
enough to cary them to Virginia, and whilst he
had a bitt
they should have their parte; which gave
them good
satisfaction. So they were all landed;
but
ther was not
so much as bisket-cake or any other
victialls*
for them, neither had they any beding, but
some sory
things they had in their cabins, nor pot,
nor pan, to
drese any meate in; nor overmany cloaths,
for many of
them had brusht away their coats & cloaks
at Plimoth
as they came. But ther was sent over
some
burching-lane
suits in ye ship, out of which they were
supplied. The plantation was glad of this addition
*Nay I they were faille to spare ye shipe some to carry her home.
1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 129
of strenght,
but could have wished that many of them
had been of
beter condition, and all of them beter
furnished
with provissions; but yt could not now be
helpte.
In this ship Mr. Weston sent a
large leter to Mr.
Carver, ye
late Gover, now deseased, full of complaints
&
expostulations aboute former passagess at Hampton;
and ye
keeping ye shipe so long in ye country, and
returning
her without lading, &c., which for brevitie
I
omite. The rest is as followeth.
Part of Mr. Westons letter.
I durst never aquainte ye adventurers with ye
alteration of
ye couditions first agreed on betweene us, which I have since
been very
glad of, for I am well assured had they knowne as
much as I
doe, they would not have adventured a halfe-peny
of what was
necesary for this ship. That you sent no
lading
in the ship
is wonderfull, and worthily distasted. I
know your
weaknes was
the cause of it, and I beleeve more weaknes of
judgmente,
then weaknes of hands. A quarter of ye time you
spente in
discoursing, arguing, & consulting, would have done
much more;
but that is past, &c. If you mean,
bona fide, to
performe the
conditions agreed upon, doe us ye
favore to coppy
them out
faire, and subscribe them with ye
principall of your
names. And likwise give us accounte as perticulerly
as you
can how our
moneys were laid out. And then I shall
be able
to give them
some satisfaction, whom I am now forsed with.
I good words
to shift of. And consider that ye life of the bussi-
nes depends
on ye lading of this ship, which, if you doe to
any
good
purpose, that I may be freed from ye
great sums I have
disbursed
for ye former, and must doe for the later, I promise
130 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
you I will
never quit ye bussines, though all the other
adventurers
should.
[67]
We have procured you a Charter, the best we could,
which is
beter then your former, and with less limitation. For
any thing yt is els worth writting, Mr.
Cushman can informe
you. I pray write instantly for Mr. Robinson to come to you.
And so
praying God to blesse you with all graces nessessary
both for
this life & that to come, I rest
Your very loving frend,
THO. WESTON.
London, July
6. 1621.
This ship
(caled ye Fortune) was speedily dispatcht
away, being
laden with good clapbord as full as she
could stowe,
and 2. hoggsheads of beaver and otter
skins, which
they gott with a few trifling comodities
brought with
them at first, being alltogeather unpro-
vided for
trade; neither was ther any amongst them
that ever
saw a beaver skin till they came hear, and
were
informed by Squanto. The fraight was
estimated
to be worth
near 500li. Mr. Cushman returned backe
also with
this ship, for so Mr. Weston & ye rest had
apoynted
him, for their better information. And
he
doubted not,
nor them selves neither, but they should
have a
speedy supply; considering allso how by Mr.
Cushmans
perswation, and letters received from Ley-
den, wherin
they willed them so to doe, they yeelded*
to ye
afforesaid conditions, and subscribed them with
their
hands. But it proved other wise, for Mr.
Wes-
* Yeeled in the manuscript.
1621.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 131
ton, who had
made yt large promise in his leter, (as
is before
noted,) that if all ye rest should fall of, yet
he would
never quit ye bussines, but stick to them,
if they
yeelded to ye conditions, and sente some lad-
ing in ye
ship; and of this Mr. Cushman was confi-
dent, and
confirmed ye same from his mouth, & serious
protestations
to him selfe before he came. But all
proved but
wind, for he was ye first and only man
that
forsooke them, and that before he so much as
heard of ye
returne of this ship, or knew what was
done; (so
vaine is ye confidence in man.)
But of this
more in its
place.
A leter in answer to his write to Mr.
Carver, was
sente to him
from ye Govr, of which so much as is
pertenente
to ye thing in hand I shall hear inserte.
Sr: Your large letter writen to Mr.
Carver, and dated ye
6. of July,
1621, I have received ye 10. of
Novembr, wherin
(after ye apologie made for your selfe) you lay many heavie
imputations
upon him and us all. Touching him, he is
de-
parted this
life, and now is at rest [68] in ye Lord
from all
those
troubls and incoumbrances with which we are yet to
strive. He needs not my appologie; for his care and
pains
was so great
for ye commone good, both ours and yours, as
that
therwith (it is thought) he oppressed him selfe and short-
ened his
days; of whose loss we cannot sufficiently complaine.
At great
charges in this adventure, I confess you have beene,
and many
losses may sustaine; but ye loss of his and many
other honest
and industrious mens lives, cannot be vallewed
at any
prise. Of ye one, ther may be hope of recovery, but
ye other no recompence can make good. But I will not in-
132 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
siste in
generalls, but come more perticulerly to ye
things them
selves. You greatly blame us for keping ye ship so long in
ye countrie, and then to send her away emptie. She lay 5.
weks at
Cap-Codd, whilst with many a weary step (after a
long
journey) and the indurance of many a hard brunte, we
sought out
in the foule winter a place of habitation.
Then
we went in
so tedious a time to make provission to sheelter
us and our
goods, aboute wch labour, many of our armes &
leggs can
tell us to this day we were not necligent.
But it
pleased God
to vissite us then, with death dayly, and with
so generall
a disease, that the living were scarce able to burie
the dead;
and ye well not in any measure sufficiente to tend
ye sick. And now to be so
greatly blamed, for not fraighting
ye ship, doth indeed goe near us, and much discourage us. But
you say you
know we will pretend weaknes; and doe you think
we had not
cause? Yes, you tell us you beleeve it,
but it was
more weaknes
of judgmente, then of hands. Our weaknes
herin
is great we
confess, therfore we will bear this check patiently
amongst ye rest, till God send us wiser men.
But they which
tould you we
spent so much time in discoursing & consulting,
&c.,
their harts can tell their toungs, they lye.
They cared
not, so they
might salve their owne sores, how they wounded
others. Indeed, it is our callamitie that we are
(beyound ex-
pectation)
yoked with some ill conditioned people, who will
never doe
good, but corrupte and abuse others, &c.
The rest of ye letter declared
how they had sub-
scribed
those conditions according to his desire, and
sente him ye
former accounts very perticulerly; also
how ye
ship was laden, and in what condition their
affairs
stood; that ye coming of these [69] people
would bring
famine upon them unavoydably, if they
had not
supply in time (as Mr. Cushman could more
1621.]
fully
informe him & ye rest of ye adventurers). Also
that seeing
he was now satisfied in all his demands ,
that
offences would be forgoten, and he remember his
promise,
&c.
After ye departure of this
ship, (which stayed not
above 14.
days,) the Gover & his assistante haveing
disposed
these late comers into severall families, as
yey
best could, tooke an exacte accounte of all their
provissions
in store, and proportioned ye same to ye
number of
persons, and found that it would not hould
out above 6.
months at halfe alowance, and hardly that.
And they
could not well give less this winter time till
fish came in
againe. So they were presently put to
half
alowance, one as well as an other, which begane
to be hard,
but they bore it patiently under hope of
supply.
Sone after this ships departure, ye
great people of
ye
Narigansets, in a braving maner, sente a messenger
unto them
with a bundl of arrows tyed aboute with
a great
sneak-skine; which their interpretours tould
them was a
threatening & a chaleng. Upon which
ye
Govr, with ye advice of others, sente them a round
answere,
that if they had rather have warre then peace,
they might
begine when they would; they had done
them no
wrong, neither did yey fear them, or should
they find
them unprovided. And by another
messenger
sente ye
sneake-skine back with bulits in it; but they
would not
receive it, but sent it back againe. But
134 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
these things
I doe but mention, because they are more
at large
allready put forth in printe, by Mr. Winslow,
at ye
requeste of some freinds. And it is like
ye
reason was
their owne ambition, who, (since ye death
of so many
of ye Indeans,) thought to dominire &
lord it over
ye rest, & conceived ye English would be a
barr in
their way, and saw that Massasoyt took sheil-
ter allready
under their wings.
But this made them ye more
carefully to looke to
them selves,
so as they agreed to inclose their dwell-
ings with a
good strong pale, and make flankers in
convenient
places, with gates to shute, which were
every night
locked, and a watch kept, and when neede
required
ther was also warding in ye day time. And
ye
company was by ye Captaine and ye Govr [70] ad-
vise,
devided into 4. squadrons, and every one had
ther quarter
apoynted them, unto which they were to
repaire upon
any suddane alarme. And if ther should
be any crie
of fire, a company were appointed for a
gard, with
muskets, whilst others quenchet ye same, to
prevent
Indean treachery. This was accomplished
very
cherfully,
and ye towne impayled round by ye begin-
ing of
March, in which evry family had a prety garden
plote
secured. And herewith I shall end this
year.
Only I shall
remember one passage more, rather of
mirth then
of waight. One ye day called
Chrismas-
day, ye
Govr caled them out to worke, (as was used,)
but ye
most of this new-company excused them selves
1622.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 135
and said it
wente against their consciences to work on
yt
day. So ye Govr
tould them that if they made it
mater of
conscience, he would spare them till they
were better
informed. So he led-away ye
rest and
left them;
but when they came home at noone from
their worke,
he found them in ye streete at play,
openly; some
pitching ye barr, & some at stoole-ball,
and shuch
like sports. So he went to them, and
tooke
away their
implements, and tould them that was against
his
conscience, that they should play & others worke.
If they made
ye keeping of it mater of devotion, let
them kepe
their houses, but ther should be no game-
ing or
revelling in ye streets.
Since which time noth-
ing hath
been atempted that way, at least openly.
Anno 1622.
AT ye spring of ye
year they had apointed ye
chusets to
come againe and trade with them, and be-
gane now to
prepare for that vioag about ye later end
of
March. But upon some rumors heard,
Hobamak,
their
Indean, tould them upon some jealocies he had,
he feared
they were joyned wth ye Narighansets and
might betray
them if they were not carefull. He inti-
mated also
some jealocie of Squanto, by what he gath-
ered from
some private whisperings betweene him and
other
Indeans. But [71] they resolved to
proseede,
and sente
out their shalop with 10. of their cheefe
men aboute ye
begining of Aprill, and both Squanto
136 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
&
Hobamake with them, in regarde of ye jelocie be-
tweene
them. But they had not bene gone longe,
but
an Indean
belonging to Squantos family came runing
in seeming
great fear, and tould them that many
of ye
Narihgansets, with Corbytant, and he thought
also
Massasoyte, were coming against them; and he
gott away to
tell them, not without danger. And
being
examined by ye Govr, he made as if they were
at hand, and
would still be looking back, as if they
were at his
heels. At which the Govr
caused them
to take
armes & stand on their garde, and suppos-
ing ye
boat to be still within hearing (by reason it
was calme)
caused a warning peece or 2. to be shote
of, the which
yey heard and came in. But no
Indeans
apeared;
watch was kepte all night, but nothing was
seene. Hobamak was confidente for Massasoyt, and
thought all
was false; yet ye Govr caused him to send
his wife
privatly, to see what she could observe (pre-
tening other
occasions), but ther was nothing found,
but all was
quiet. After this they proseeded on
their
vioge to ye
Massachusets, and had good trade, and
returned in
saftie, blessed be God.
But by the former passages, and other
things of
like nature,
they begane to see yt Squanto sought his
owne ends,
and plaid his owne game, by putting ye
Indeans in
fear, and drawing gifts from them to en-
rich him
selfe; making them beleeve he could stur up
warr against
whom he would, & make peece for whom
1622.]
he
would. Yea, he made them beleeve they
kept ye
plague
buried in ye ground, and could send it amongs
whom they
would, which did much terrifie the Indeans,
and made
them depend more on him, and seeke more
to him then
to Massasoyte, which proucured him envie,
and had like
to have cost him his life. For after ye
discovery of
his practises, Massasoyt sought it both pri-
vatly and
openly; which caused him to stick close to
ye
English, & never durst goe from them till he dyed.
They also
made good use of ye emulation yt grue be-
tweene
Hobamack and him, which made them cary more
squarely. And ye Govr seemed to
countenance ye one,
and ye
Captaine ye other, by which they had better
intelligence,
and made them both more diligente.
[72]
Now in a maner their provissions were wholy
spent, and
they looked hard for supply, but none came.
But about ye
later end of May, they spied a boat at
sea, which
at first they thought had beene some French-
man; but it
proved a shalop which came from a ship
which Mr.
Weston & an other had set out a fishing,
at a place
called Damarins-cove, 40. leagues to ye
eastward of
them, wher were yt year many more
ships come a
fishing. This boat brought 7. passengers
and some
letters, but no vitails, nor any hope of any.
Some part of
which I shall set downe.
Mr. Carver, in my last leters by
ye Fortune, in whom Mr.
Cushman
wente, and who I hope is with you, for we daly
138 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
expecte ye
shipe back againe. She departed hence, ye
begin-
ing of July,
with 35. persons, though not over well provided
with
necesaries, by reason of ye parsemonie of ye adventurers.
I have
solisited them to send you a supply of men and provis-
sions before
shee come. They all answer they will doe
great
maters, when
they hear good news. Nothing before; so
faith-
full,
constant, & carefull of your good, are your olde & honest
freinds,
that if they hear not from you, they are like to send
you no
supplie, &c. I am now to relate ye
occasion of send-
ing this
ship, hoping if you give credite to my words, you will
have a more
favourable opinion of it, then some hear, wherof
Pickering is
one, who taxed me to mind my owne ends, which
is in part
true, &c. Mr. Beachamp and my selfe bought this
litle ship, and have set her out, partly, if it may
be, to uphold !
ye
plantation, as well to doe others good as our selves; and
partly to
gett up what we are formerly out; though we are
otherwise
censured, &c. This is ye
occasion we have sent
this ship and these passengers, on our owne
accounte; whom we
desire you
will frendly entertaine & supply with shuch neces-
aries as you
cane spare, and they wante, &c. And
among
other things
we pray you lend or sell them some seed corne,
and if you
have ye salt remaining of ye last year, that yu will
let them
have it for their presente use, and we will either pay
you for it,
or give you more when we have set our salt-pan to
worke, which
we desire may be set up in one of ye litle ilands
in your bay,
&c. And because we intende, if God
plase, [73]
(and ye generallitie doe it not,) to
send within a month another
shipe, who, having discharged her passengers, shal
goe to Vir-
ginia, &c.
And it may be we shall send a small ship to abide
with you on ye coast, which I conceive
may be a great help to
ye
plantation. To ye end our
desire may be effected, which, I
assure my
selfe, will be also for your good, we pray you give
them
entertainmente in your houses ye time they shall be with
* Adventures in the
mannscript. !I know not wch way.
1622.]
you, that
they may lose no time, but may presently goe in hand
to fell
trees & cleave them, to ye end lading may be ready and
our ship
stay not.
Some of ye adventurers have
sent you hearwith all some
directions
for your furtherance in ye comone bussines, who
are like
those St. James speaks of, yt bid their
brother eat,
and warme
him, but give him nothing; so they bid you make
salt, and
uphold ye plantation, but send you no means wher-
withall to
doe it, &c. By ye next we purpose to send more
people on
our owne accounte, and
to take a patente; that if your
peopl should
be as unhumane as some of ye adventurers, not
to admite us
to dwell with them, which were extreme barba-
risme, and
which will never enter into my head to thinke you
have any
shuch
passengers I
must of force doe it; and for some other reasons
not
necessary to be writen, &c. I find ye
generall so backward,
and your
freinds at
on your
leggs, and trust (as they say) to God and your selves.
Subscribed,
your loving freind,
Jan: 12.
1621. THO:
WESTON.
Sundry other things I pass over, being
tedious &
impertinent.
All this was but could comfort to fill
their hungrie
bellies, and
a slender performance of his former late
promiss; and
as litle did it either fill or warme them,
as those ye
Apostle James spake of, by him before
mentioned. And well might it make them remember
what ye
psalmist saith, Psa. 118. 8. It is better to trust
in the Lord, then to have confidence in man. And Psa.
146. Put not you trust in prince (much less in ye
140 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
marchants) nor
in ye sane of man, for ther is no help
in them. v. 5.
Blesed is he that hath ye God of
Jacob for
his help, whose hope is in ye Lord his God.
And as they
were now fayled of sllply by him and
others in
this their greatest neede and wants, which
was caused
by him and ye rest, who put so great a
company of
men upon them, as ye former company
were,
without any food, and came at shuch a time as
they must
live almost a whole year before any could
[74] be
raised, excepte they had sente some; so, upon
ye
pointe they never had any supply of vitales more
afterwards
(but what the Lord gave them otherwise);
for all ye
company sent at any time was allways too
short for
those people yt came with it.
Ther came allso by ye same ship
other leters, but of
later date,
one from Mr. Weston, an other from a parte
of ye
adventurers, as foloweth.
Mr, Carver, since my last, to ye
end we might ye more readily
proceed to
help ye generall, at a meeting of some of ye prin-
cipall adventurers,
a proposition was put forth, & alowed by
all presente
(save
parte of
what he formerly had done. And ther are
some other
yt
folow his example, and will adventure no furder. In regard
wherof ye
greater part of ye adventurers being willing to uphold
ye
bussines, finding it no reason that those yt are willing should
uphold ye
bussines of those that are unwilling, whose back-
wardnes doth
discourage those that are forward, and hinder
other
new-adventurers from coming in, we having well con-
sidered
therof, have resolved, according to an article in ye
1622.]
agreemente,
(that it may be lawfull by a generall consente of
ye
adventurers &; planters, upon just occasion, to breake of their
joynte
stock,) to breake
it of; and doe pray you to ratifie, and
confirme ye
same on your parts. Which being done, we
shall
ye
more willingly goe forward for ye upholding of you with
all things
necesarie. But in any case you must
agree to ye
artickls,
and send it by ye first under your hands & seals. So
I end
Your loving freind,
THO: WESTON.
Jan: 17.
1621.
Another leter was write from part of ye
company
of ye
adventurers to the same purpose, and subscribed
with 9. of
their names, wherof Mr. Westons & Mr.
Beachamphs
were tow. Thes things seemed strang unto
them, seeing
this unconstancie & shufling; it made
them to
thinke ther was some misterie in ye matter.
And therfore
ye Govr concealed these letters from ye
publick, only
imparted them to some trustie freinds
for advice,
who concluded with him, that this tended
to disband
& scater them (in regard of their straits);
and if Mr.
Weston & others, who seemed to rune in
a perticuler
way, should come over with shiping so
provided as
his letters did intimate, they most would
fall to him,
to ye prejudice of them selves & ye rest
of the
adventurers, their freinds; from whom as yet
they heard
nothing. And it was doubted whether he
had not
sente [75] over shuch a company jn ye former
* Adventures in the mannsclipt.
142 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
ship, for
shuch an end. Yet they tooke compassion
of those 7.
men which this ship, which fished to ye
eastward,
had kept till planting time was over, and so
could set no
corne; and allso wanting vitals, (for yey
turned them
off wthout any, and indeed wanted for
them
selves,) neither was their salt-pan come, so as
yey
could not performe any of those things which Mr.
Weston had
apointed, and might have starved if ye
plantation
had not succoured them; who, in their
wants, gave
them as good as any of their owne.
The ship
wente to
ship &
fish, of which (it was conceived) Mr. Weston
had a very
slender accounte.
After this came another of his ships,
and brought
letters
dated ye 10. of Aprill, from Mr. Weston, as
followeth.
Mr. Bradford, these,
&c. The Fortune is arived, of
whose
good news
touching your estate & proceeings, I am very glad
to
hear. And how soever he was robed on ye
way by ye French-
men, yet I
hope your loss will not be great, for ye conceite of so
great a
returne doth much animate ye adventurers, so yt I
hope some
matter of importance will be done by them, &c. As
for my
selfe, I have sould my adventure & debts unto them,
so as I am
quit* of you, & you of me, for that matter, &c.
Now though I
have nothing to pretend as an adventurer
amongst you,
yet I will advise you a litle for your good, if
you can
apprehend it. I perceive & know as
well as another,
ye
dispositions of your adventurers, whom ye hope of gaine hath
* See how his promiss is fulfild.
1622.]
drawne on to
this they have done; and yet I fear yt hope will
not draw
them much furder. Besids, most of
them are against
ye sending of them of
was first
begune, and some
of ye most religious (as Mr. Greene by
name)
excepts against them. So yt
my advice is (you may
follow it if
you please) that you forthwith break of your
joynte
stock, which you have warente to doe, both in law &
conscience,
for ye most parte of ye adventurers have given
way unto it
by a former letter. And ye
means you have
ther, which
I hope will be to some purpose by ye trade of this
spring, may,
with ye help of some freinds hear, bear ye charge
of
trasporting those of
I make no
question but by Gods help you will be able to sub-
sist of your
selves. But I shall leave you to your
discretion.
I desired diverce of ye
adventurers, as Mr. Peirce, Mr. Greene,
&
others, if they had any thing to send you, either vitails or
leters, to
send them by these ships; and marvelling they sent
not so much
as a letter, I asked our passengers what leters
they had,
and with some dificultie one of them tould me he
had one,
which was delivered him with [76] great charge of
secrecie;
and for more securitie, to buy a paire of new-shoes,
& sow it
betweene ye soles for fear of intercepting. I, taking
ye
leter, wondering what mistrie might be in it, broke it open,
and found
this treacherous letter subscribed by ye hands of Mr.
Pickering
& Mr. Greene. Wich leter
had it come to your hands
without
auswer, might have caused ye hurt, if not ye ruine, of
us all. For assuredly if you had followed their
instructions,
and shewed
us that unkindness which they advise you unto, to
hold us in
distruste as enimise, &c., it might have been an occa-
sion to have
set us togeather by ye eares, to ye distruction of us
all. For I doe beleeve that in shuch a case, they
knowing
what
bussines hath been betweene us, not only my brother, but
others also,
would have been violent, and heady against you,
&c. I mente to have setled ye people I
before and now send,
144 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
with or near
you, as well for their as your more securitie and
defence, as
help on all occasions. But I find ye
adventurers
so jealous
& suspitious, that I have altered my resolution, &
given order
to my brother & those with him, to doe as they
and him
selfe shall find fitte. Thus, &c.
Your loving freind,
Aprill
10.1621. THO:
WESTON.
Some part of Mr Pickerings
letter before mentioned.
To Mr.
Bradford & Mr. Brewster, &c.
My dear love remembred unto you all,
&c. The company
hath bought
out Mr. Weston, and are very glad they are freed
of him, he
being judged a man yt thought him selfe above ye
generall,
and not expresing so much ye fear of God as was
meete in a
man to whom shuch trust should have been reposed
in a matter
of so great importance. I am sparing to
be so
plaine as
indeed is clear against him; but a few words to ye
wise.
Mr. Weston will not permitte
leters to be sent in his ships,
nor any
thing for your good or ours, of which ther is some
reason in
respecte of him selfe, &c. His
brother Andrew,
whom he doth
send as principall in one of these ships, is a
heady yong
man, & violente, and set against you ther, & ye
company
hear; ploting with Mr. Weston their owne ends, which
tend to your
& our undooing in respecte of our estates ther,
and
prevention of our good ends. For by
credible testimoney
we are
informed his purpose is to come to your colonie, pre-
tending he
comes for and from ye adventurers, and will seeke
to gett what
you have in readynes [77] into his ships, as if
they came
from ye company, & possessing all, will be so much
profite to
him selfe. And further to in forme them
selves what
spetiall
places or things you have discovered, to ye end that
they may
supres & deprive you, &c.
1622.]
The Lord,
who is ye watchman of Israll & slepeth not, pre-
serve you
& deliver you from unreasonable men.
I am sorie
that ther is
cause to admonish you of these things concerning
this man; so
I leave you to God, who bless and multiply you
into
thousands, to the advancemente of ye glorious gospell of
our Lord
Jesus. Amen. Fare well.
Your loving freinds,
EDWARD PICKERING.
WILLIAM GREENE.
I pray
conceale both ye writing & deliverie of this leter, but
make the
best use of it. We hope to sete forth a ship our selves with in this month.
The heads of his answer.
Mr. Bradford, this is ye
leter yt I wrote unto you of, which
to answer in
every perticuler is needles & tedious.
My owne
conscience
& all our people can and I thinke will testifie, yt
my end in
sending ye ship Sparrow was your good, &c. Now
I will not
deney but ther are many of our people rude fellows,
as these men
terme them; yet I presume they will be governed
by such as I
set over them. And I hope not only to be
able
to reclaime
them from yt profanenes that may scandalise ye
vioage, but
by degrees to draw them to God, &c.
I am
so farr from
sending rude fellows to deprive you either by
fraude or
violence of what is yours, as I have charged ye
Mr.
of ye ship Sparrow, not only to leave with you 2000. of
bread, but
also a good quantitie of fish,. &c.
But I will
leave it to
you to consider what evill this leter would or
might have
done, had it come to your hands & taken ye
effecte ye
other desired.
Now if you be of ye mind yt
these men are, deale plainly
with us,
& we will seeke our residence els-wher.
If you
*But ye [he] left not his own men a bite of
bread.
146 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
are as
freindly as we have thought you to be, give us ye
entertainment
of freinds, and we will take nothing from you,
neither
meat, drinke, nor lodging, but what we will, in one
kind or
other, pay you for, &c. I shall
leave in ye coun-
trie a litle
ship (if God send her safe thither) with mariners
&
fisher-men to stay ther, who shall coast, & trad with ye
savages,
& ye old plantation. It
may be we shall be as
helpfull to
you, as you will be to us. I thinke I
shall see
you ye
next spring; and so I comend you to ye protection
of God, who
ever keep you.
Your loving freind,
THO: WESTON.
[78] Thus all ther hops in regard of Mr.
Weston
were layed
in ye dust, and all his promised helpe
turned into
an empttie advice, which they apprehended
was nether
lawfull nor profitable for them to follow.
And they
were not only thus left destitute of help in
their
extreme wants, haveing neither vitails, nor any
thing to
trade with, but others prepared & ready to
glean up
what ye cuntrie might have afforded for their
releefe. As for those harsh censures & susspitions
in-
timated in ye
former and following leters, they desired
to judg as
charitably and wisly of them as they could,
waighing
them in ye ballance of love and reason; and
though they
(in parte) came from godly & loveing
freinds, yet
they conceived many things might arise
from over
deepe jealocie and fear, togeather with un-
meete
provocations, though they well saw Mr. Weston
pursued his
owne ends, and was imbittered in spirite.
1622.]
For after
the receit of ye former leters, the Govr re-
ceived one
from Mr. Cushman, who went home in ye
ship, and
was allway intimate with Mr. Weston, (as
former
passages declare), and it was much marveled
that nothing
was heard from him, all this while. But
it should
seeme it was ye difficulty of sending, for
this leter
was directed as ye leter of a wife to her
husband, who
was here, and brought by him to ye
Govr. It was as followeth.
Beloved Sr: I hartily salute you, with trust of your
health,
and many
thanks for your love. By Gods providence
we
got well
home ye 17. of Feb.
Being robbed by ye French-
men by ye
way, and carried by them into
kepte ther
15. days, and lost all yt we had that was worth
taking; but
thanks be to God, we escaped with our lives
&
ship. I see not yt it worketh
any discouragment hear.
I purpose by
Gods grace to see you shortly, I hope in June
nexte, or
before. In ye mean space know
these things, and
I pray you
be advertised a litle. Mr.
Weston hath quite
broken of
from our company, through some discontents yt
arose
betwext him and some of our adventurers, & hath
sould all
his adventurs, & hath now sent 3. smale ships for his
perticuler
plantation. The greatest wherof, being 100.
tune,
Mr.
Reynolds goeth mr. and he wth ye rest purposeth to
come him
selfe; for what end I know not.
The people which they
I pray you
entertaine them not, neither exchainge man for
man with
them, excepte it be some of your worst.
He hath
taken a
patente for him selfe. If they offerr to
buy any
thing of
you, let it be shuch as you can spare, and let
them give ye worth of it. If they
borrow any thing of you,
148 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
let them
leave a good pawne, &c. It is like
he [78] will
plant to ye
southward of ye
lavishly
tould but what he knew or imagined of Capewack,
Mohiggen,
& ye Narigansets. I fear
these people will hardly
deale so
well with ye savages as they should. I pray you
therfore
signifie to Squanto, that they are a distincte body
from us, and
we have nothing to doe with them, neither
must be
blamed for their falts, much less can warrente their
fidelitie. We are aboute to recover our losses in
Our freinds
at
many as can this
time. I hope all will turne to ye
best,
wherfore I
pray you be not discouraged, but gather up your
selfe to goe
thorow these dificulties cherfully & with courage
in yt
place wherin God hath sett you, untill ye day of re-
freshing
come. And ye Lord God of sea
& land bring us
comfortably
togeather againe, if it may stand with his glorie.
Yours, ROBART
CUSHMAN.
On ye other sid of ye
leafe, in ye same leter, came
these few lines
from Mr. John Peirce, in whose name
the patente
was taken, and of whom more will follow,
to be spoken
in its place.
Worthy Sr: I desire you to take into consideration
that
which is
writen on ye other side, and not any way to
damnifie
your owne collony, whos strength is but weaknes,
and may
therby be more infeebled. And for ye
leters of
association,
by ye next ship we send, I hope you shall re-
ceive
satisfaction; in ye mean time whom you admite I will
approve. But as for Mr. Weston's company, I
thinke them
so base in
condition (for ye most parte) as in all apearance
* The number is repeated in the Ms.
1622.]
not fitt for
an honest mans company. I wish they
prove
other
wise. My purpose is not to enlarge my
selfe, but
cease in
these few lins, and so rest
Your loving freind,
JOHN PEIRCE.
All these things they pondred and well
considered,
yet
concluded to give his men frendly entertainmente;
partly in
regard of Mr. Weston him selfe, considering
what he had
been unto them, & done for them, & to
some, more
espetially; and partly in compassion to ye
people, who
were now come into a willdernes, (as
them selves
were,) and were by ye ship to be pres-
ently put a
shore, (for she was to
gers to
Virginia, who lay at
great charge,) and they
were
alltogeather unacquainted & knew not what to
doe. So as they had received his former company of
7. men, and
vitailed them as their owne hitherto, so
they also
received these (being aboute 60. lusty men),
and gave
[79] housing for them selves and their
goods; and
many being sicke, they had ye best means
ye
place could aford them. They stayed hear
ye most
parte of ye
somer till ye ship came back againe from
Virginia.
Then, by his direction, or those whom he
set over
them, they removed into ye Massachusset
Bay, he
having got a patente for some part ther, (by
light of
ther former discovery in leters sent home).
Yet they
left all ther sicke folke hear till they were
setled and
housed. But of ther victails they had
not
150 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
any, though
they were in great wante, nor any thing
els in
recompence of any courtecie done them; neither
did they
desire it, for they saw they were an unruly
company, and
had no good govermente over them, and
by disorder
would soone fall into wants if Mr. Wes-
ton came not
ye sooner amongst them; and therfore,
to prevente
all after occasion, would have nothing of
them.
Amids these streigths, and ye
desertion of those
from whom
they had hoped for supply, and when
famine
begane now to pinch them sore, they not know-
ing what to
doe, the Lord, (who never fails his,) pre-
sents them
with an occasion, beyond all expectation.
This boat
which came from ye eastward brought them
a letter
from a stranger, of whose name they had
never heard
before, being a captaine of a ship come
ther a
fishing. This leter was as
followeth. Being
thus
inscribed.
To all his
good freinds at Plimoth, these, &c.
Freinds, cuntrimen, & neighbours: I
salute you, and wish
you all
health and hapines in ye Lord.
I make bould with
these few
lines to trouble you, because unless I were un-
humane, I
can doe no less. Bad news doth spread it
selfe
too farr;
yet I will so farr informe you that my selfe, with
many good
freinds in ye south-collonie of
ceived shuch
a blow, that 400. persons large will not make
good our
losses. Therfore I doe intreat you
(allthough not
knowing you)
that ye old rule which I learned when I went
to schoole,
may be sufficente. That is, Hapie is he
whom
1622.]
other mens
harmes doth make to beware. And now
againe
and againe,
wishing all those yt willingly would serve ye
Lord, all
health and happines in this world, and everlasting
peace in ye
world to come. And so I rest,
Yours,
JOHN HUDLSTON.
By this boat ye Govr returned a thankfull answer,
as was
meete, and sent a boate of their owne with
them, which
was piloted by them, in which Mr.
Wins-
low was
sente to procure what provissions he could
of ye ships, who was kindly received by ye foresaid
gentill-man,
who not only spared what he [90 *] could,
but writ to
others to doe ye like.
By which means
he gott some
good quantitie and returned in saftie, by
which ye plantation had a duble benefite, first, a pres-
ent
refreshing by ye food brought, and secondly, they
knew ye way to those parts for their benifite hear-
after. But what was gott, & this small boat
brought,
being
devided among so many, came but to a litle,
yet by Gods
blesing it upheld them till harvest. It
arose but to
a quarter of a pound of bread a day to
each person;
and ye Govr
caused it to be dayly given
them,
otherwise, had it been in their owne custody,
they would
have eate it up & then starved. But
thus,
with what
els they could get, they made pretie shift!
till corne
was ripe.
*Mr. Hunter writes: "Here is an error in
passes from
79 to 90. No part of the manuscript is
here lost." 79 is repeated
in the
paging.
152 HIS'TORY OF [BOOK II.
This somer
they builte a fort with good timber,
both strong
& comly, which was of good defence, made
with a flate
rofe & batllments, on which their ordnance
were
mounted, and wher they kepte constante watch,
espetially
in time of danger. It served them allso
for
a meeting
house, and was fitted accordingly for that
use. It was a great worke for them in this weaknes
and time of
wants; but ye deanger of ye time required
it, and both
ye continuall rumors of ye fears from ye
Indeans
hear, espetially ye Narigansets, and also ye
hearing of
that great massacre in
hands
willing to despatch ye same.
Now ye
wellcome time of harvest aproacbed, in which
all had
their hungrie bellies filled. But it arose but to a litle,
in comparison of a full years supplie; partly
by reason
they were
not yet well aquainted with ye maiier of Indean
corne, (and
they. had no other,) allso their many other
imployments,
but cheefly their weaknes for wante of
food, to
tend it as they
should have
done. Also much was stolne both by
night &
day, before it became scarce eatable, & much
more
afterward. And though many were well
whipt
(when they
were taken) for a few ears of corne, yet
hunger made
others (whom conscience did not re-
straine) to
venture. So as it well appeared yt famine
must still
insue ye next year allso, if not some way
prevented,
or supplie should faile, to which they durst
not
trust. Markets there was none to goe
too, but
1622.]
only ye Indeans, and they had no trading comodities.
Behold now
another providence of God; a ship comes
into ye [91] harbor, one Captain Jons being cheefe
therin. They were set out by some marchants to dis-
covere all ye harbors betweene this & Virginia, and ye
shoulds of
Cap-Cod, and to trade along ye
coast wher
they
could. This ship had store of
English-beads
(which were
then good trade) and some knives, but
would sell
none but at dear rates, and also a good
quantie
togeather. Yet they we ere glad of ye occa-
sion, and
faine to buy at any rate; they were faine
to give
after ye rate of cento per cento, if not more,
and yet pay
away coat-beaver at 3s. perli.,
which in a
few years
after yeelded 20s. By
this means they were
fitted
againe to trade for beaver & other things, and
intended to
buy what corne they could.
But I will hear take liberty to make a
title digres-
sion. Ther was in this ship a gentle-man by
name
Mr. John Poory; he had been secretarie in
and was now
going home passenger in this ship.
After his
departure he write a leter to ye Govr in ye
postscrite
wherof he hath these lines.
To your selfe and Mr. Brewster,
I must acknowledg my
selfe many
ways indebted, whose books I would have you
thinke very
well bestowed on him, who esteemeth them shuch
juells. My hast would not suffer me to remember (much
less to
begg) Mr. Ainsworths elaborate worke upon ye 5.
books of
Moyses. Both his & Mr.
Robinsons doe highly
154 HISTORY OF. [BOOK II.
com end the
authors, as being most conversante in ye scrip-
turs of all
others. And what good (who knows) it may
please God
to worke by them, through my hands, (though
most
unworthy,) who finds shuch high contente in them.
God have you
all in his keeping.
Your unfained and firme freind,
Aug.
28.1622. JOHN
PORY.
These things I hear inserte for honour
sake of ye
authors
memorie, which this gentle-man doth thus in-
geniusly
acknowledg; and him selfe after his returne
did this
poore-plantation much credite amongst those
of no mean
ranck. But to returnee
[92] Shortly after harvest Mr. Westons people who
were now
seated at ye Massachusets, and by disorder
(as it
seems) had made havock of their provissions,
begane now
to perceive that want would come upon
them. And hearing that they hear had bought trading
comodities
& intended to trade for corne, they write
to ye Govr and desired they might joyne with them,
and they
would imploy their small ship in ye
servise;
and furder
requested either to lend or sell them so
much of
their trading comodities as their part might
come to, and
they would undertake to make paymente
when Mr. Weston, or their supply, should come. The
Govr condesended upon equall terms of agreemente,
thinkeing to
goe aboute ye Cap to ye southward
with ye ship, wher some store of corne might be
got. Althings being provided, Captaint Standish
was
1622.]
apointed to
goe with them, and Squanto for a guid &
interpreter,
about ye latter end of September; but ye
winds put
them in againe, & putting out ye 2.
time,
he fell sick
of a feavor, so ye Govr
wente him selfe.
But they
could not get aboute ye should of Cap-Cod,
for flats
& breakers, neither could Squanto directe
them better,
nor ye mr.
durst venture any further, so
they put
into
could
ther. In this place Squanto fell sick of
an
Indean
feavor, bleeding much at ye nose (which ye
Indeans take
for a simptome of death), and within a
few days
dyed ther; desiring ye Govr to
pray for him,
that he
might goe to ye Englishmens God in heaven,
and
bequeathed sundrie of his things to sundry of his
English
freinds, as remembrances of his love; of whom
they had a great
loss. They got in this vioage, in one
place &
other, about 26. or 28. hogsheads of corne &
beans, which
was more then ye Indeans could well
spare in
these parts, for ye set but a litle till they got
English
hows. And so were faine to returne, being
sory
they could
not gett about the Cap, to have been better
laden. After ward ye Govr tooke a few men & wente
to ye inland places, to get what he could, and to fetch
it home at ye spring, which did help them something.
[93]
After these things, in Feb: a messenger came
from John
Sanders, who was left cheefe over Mr.
Wes-
ton's men in
ye bay of Massachusets, who brought a
*Wth in
the mannscript.
156 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
letter
shewing the great wants they were falen into;
and he would
have borrowed a hh of corne of ye In-
deans, but
they would lend him none. He desired
advice
whether he might not take it from them by
force to
succore his men till he came from ye
east-
ward,
whither he was going. The Govr & rest de-
swaded him
by all means from it, for it might so
exasperate
the Indeans as might endanger their saftie,
and all of
us might smart for it; for they had already
heard how
they had so wronged ye Indeans by steal-
ing their
corne, &c. as they were much incensed
against
them. Yea, so base were some of their
own
company, as
they wente & tould ye Indeans yt their
Govr was purposed to come and take their corne by
force. The which with other things made them enter
into a
conspiracie against ye English, of which more
in ye nexte. Hear with I end
this year.
Anno Dom: 1623.
IT may be thought strang that these people
should
fall to
these extremities in so short a time, being left
competently
provided when ye ship left them, and had
an addition
by that moyetie of corn that was got by
trade,
besids much they gott of ye Indans wher they
lived, by
one means & other. It must needs be
their
great
disorder, for they spent excesseivly whilst they
had, or
could get it; and, it may be, wasted parte
away among ye Indeans (for he yt was
their cheef
1623.]
was taxed by
some amongst them for keeping Indean
women, how
truly I know not). And after they
begane to
come into wants, many sould away their
cloathes and
bed coverings; others (so base were they)
became
servants to ye Indeans, and would cutt them
woode &
fetch them water, for a cap full of corne;
others fell
to plaine stealing, both night & day, from
ye Indeans, of which they greevosly complained. In
ye end, they came to that misery, that some starved
& dyed
with could & hunger. One in
geathering
shell-fish
was so weake as he stuck fast in ye
mudd,
and was
found dead in ye place.
At last most of them
left their
dwellings & scatered up & downe in ye [94]
woods, &
by ye water sids, wher they could find
ground nuts
& clames, hear 6. and ther ten. By
which their
cariages they became contemned & scorned
of ye Indeans, and they begane greatly to insulte over
them in a
most insolente maner; insomuch, many times
as they lay
thus scatered abrod, and had set on a pot
with ground
nuts or shell-fish, when it was ready the
Indeans
would come and eate it up; and when night
came, wheras
some of them had a sorie blanket, or
such like,
to lappe them selves in, the Indeans would
take it and
let ye other lye all nighte in the could;
so as their
condition was very lamentable. Yea, in
ye end they were faine to hange one of their men,
whom they
could not recliame from stealing, to give
ye Indeans contente.
158 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Whilst
things wente in this maner with them, ye
Govr
& people hear had notice yt Massasoyte ther
freind was
sick & near unto death. They sent to
vissete him,
and withall sente him such comfortable
things as
gave him great contente, and was a means
of his
recovery; upon which occasion he discovers ye
conspiracie
of these Indeans, how they were resolved
to cutt of Mr.
Westons people, for the continuall in-
juries they
did them, & would now take opportunitie
of their
weaknes to doe it; and for that end had con-
spired with
other Indeans their neighbours their aboute.
And thinking
the people hear would revenge their
death, they
therfore thought to doe ye like by them,
& had
solisited him to joyne with them. He
advised
them therfore
to prevent it, and that speedly by tak-
ing of some
of ye cheefe of them, before it was to
late, for he
asured them of ye truth hereof.
This did much trouble them, and they tooke
it into
serious
delibration, and found upon examenation other
evidence to
give light hear unto, to longe hear to
relate. In ye mean time, came one of them
from
ye
Massachucts, with a small pack at his back; and
though he
knew not a foote of ye way, yet he got
safe hither,
but lost his way, which was well for him,
for he was
pursued, and so was mist. He tould them
hear how all
things stood amongst them, and that he
durst stay
no longer, he apprehended they (by what
he observed)
would be all knokt in ye head shortly.
1623.]
This made
them make ye more hast, & dispatched a
boate a way
wth Capten Standish & some men, who
found them
in a miserable condition, out of which he
rescued
them, and helped them to some releef, cut of
some few of
ye cheefe conspirators, and, according to
his order,
offered to bring them all hither if they
thought
good; and they should fare no worse then
them selves,
till Mr. Weston or some supplie came to
them. Or, if any other course liked them better,
he was to
doe them any helpfullnes he could. They
thanked him
& ye rest. But most of
them desired he
would help
them with some corne, and they would
goe with
their smale ship to ye eastward, wher hapily
they might
here of Mr. Weston, or some supply from
him, seing ye
time of ye year was for fishing ships
to [95] be
in ye land. If not, they
would worke
among ye
fishermen for their liveing, and get ther pas-
sage into
Weston in
time. So they shipped what they had of
any worth,
and he got them all ye corne he could
(scarce
leaving to bring him home), and saw them
well out of
ye bay, under saile at sea, and so came
home, not
takeing ye worth of a peny of any thing
that was
theirs. I have but touched these things
breefly,
because they have allready been published in
printe more
at large.
This was ye end of these that
some time bosted of
their
strength, (being all able lustie men,) and what
160 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
they would
doe & bring to pass, in comparison of ye
people hear,
who had many women & children and
weak ons
amongst them; and said at their first arivall,
when they
saw the wants hear, that they would take
an other
course, and not to fall into shuch a condition
as this
simple people were come too. But a mans
way is not
in his owne power; God can make ye
weake to
stand; let him also that standeth take heed
least he
fall.
Shortly after, Mr. Weston came
over with some of
ye
fishermen, under another name, and ye disguise of a
blacke-smith,
were he heard of ye mine and disolution
of his
colony. He got a boat and with a man or
2. came to
see how things were. But by ye
way, for
wante of
skill, in a storme, he cast away his shalop in
ye
botome of ye bay between Meremek river & Pas-
cataquack,
& hardly escaped with life, and afterwards
fell into
the hands of ye Indeans, who pillaged him
of all he
saved from the sea, & striped him out of
all his
cloaths to his shirte. At last he got to
Pas-
cataquack,
& borrowed a suite of cloaths, and got
means to
come to Plimoth. A strang alteration
ther
was in him
to such as had seen & known him in his
former
florishing condition; so uncertaine are ye muta-
ble things
of this unstable world. And yet men set
their
harts upon
them, though they dayly see ye vanity
therof.
After many passag~s, and much discourse,
(former
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 161
things
boyling in his mind, but bit in as was dis-
cernd,) he
desired to borrow some beaver of them;
and tould
them he had hope of a ship & good supply
to come to
him, and then they should have any thing
for it they
stood in neede of. They gave title
credite
to his
supplie, but pitied his case, and remembered
former
curtesies. They tould him he saw their
wants,
and they
knew not when they should have any supply;
also how ye
case stood betweene them & their ad-
venturers,
he well knew; they had not much bever,
& if
they should let him have it, it were enoughe to
make a
mutinie among ye people, seeing ther was no
other means
to procure them foode which they so much
wanted,
& cloaths allso. Yet they tould him
they
would help
him, considering his necessitie, but must
doe it
secretly for ye former reasons.
So they let
him have
100. beaver-skins, which waighed 170li. odd
pounds. Thus they helpt him when all ye
world faild
him, and
with this means he went againe to ye ships,
and stayed
his small ship & some of his men, &
bought
provissions and fited him selfe; and it was ye
only
foundation [96] of his after course. But
he re-
quited them
ill, for he proved after a bitter enimie
unto them
upon all occasions, and never repayed them
any thing
for it, to this day, but reproches and evill
words. Yea, he divolged it to some that were none
of their
best freinds, whilst he yet had ye beaver in
his boat;
that he could now set them all togeather by
162 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
ye
ears, because they had done more then they could
answer, in
letting him have this beaver, and he did
not spare to
doe what he could. But his malice could
not prevaile.
All this whille no supply was heard of,
neither knew
they when
they might expecte any. So they begane
to thinke
how they might raise as much corne as they
could, and
obtaine a beter crope then they had done,
that they
might not still thus languish in miserie.
At
length,
after much debate of things, the Govr (with
ye
advise of ye cheefest amongest them) gave way that
they should
set corne every man for his owne per-
ticuler, and
in that regard trust to them selves; in all
other things
to goe on in ye generall way as before.
And so
assigned to every family a parcell of land,
according to
the proportion of their number for that
end, only
for present use (but made no devission for
inheritance),
and ranged all boys & youth under some
familie. This had very good success; for it made all
hands very
industrious, so as much more corne was
planted then
other waise would have bene by any
means ye
Govr or any other could use, and saved him
a great
deall of trouble, and gave farr better contente.
The women
now wente willingly into ye feild, and
tooke their
litle-ons with them to set corne, which
before would
aledg weaknes, and inabilitie; whom to
have
compelled would have bene thought great tiranie
and
oppression.
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 163
The experience that was had in this comone
course
and
condition, tried sundrie years, and that amongst
godly and
sober men, may well evince the vanitie of
that
conceite of Platos & other ancients, applauded
by some of
later times; that ye taking away of
propertie,
and bringing in comunitie into a comone
wealth,
would make them happy and florishing; as if
they were
wiser then God. For this comunitie (so
farr as it
was) was found to breed much confusion &
discontent,
and retard much imploymet that would
have been to
their beneflte and comforte. For ye
yong-men
that were most able and fitte for labour &
service did
repine that they should spend their time
&
streingth to worke for other mens wives and chil-
dren, with
out any recompence. The strong, or man
of parts,
had no more in devission of victails & cloaths,
then he that
was weake and not able to doe a quarter
ye
other could; this was thought injuestice.
The aged
and graver
men to be ranked and [97] equalised in
labours, and
victails, cloaths, &c., with ye meaner &
yonger
sorte, thought it some indignite & disrespect
unto
them. And for mens wives to be commanded
to
doe servise
for other men, as dresing their meate, wash-
ing their
cloaths, &c., they deemd it a kind of slaverie,
neither
could many husbands well brooke it. Upon
ye
poynte all
being to have alike, and all to doe alike,
they thought
them selves in ye like condition, and one
as good as
another; and so, if it did not cut of those
164 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
relations
that God hath set amongest men, yet it did
at least
much diminish and take of ye mutuall respects
that should
be preserved amongst them. And would
have bene
worse if they had been men of another
condition. Let none objecte this is men's corruption,
and nothing
to ye course it selfe. I
answer, seeing all
men have
this corruption in them, God in his wis-
dome saw
another course fiter for them.
But to returnee. After this course setled, and by
that their
core was planted, all ther victails were
spente, and
they were only to rest on Gods provi-
dence; at
night not many times knowing wher to have
a bitt of
any thing ye next day. And
so, as one well
observed,
had need to pray that God would give them
their dayly
brade, above all people in ye world.
Yet
they bore
these wants with great patience & allacritie
of spirite,
and that for so long a time as for ye most
parte of 2.
years; which makes me remember what
Peter
Martire writs, (in magnifying ye Spaniards) in
his 5. Decade, pag. 208. They (saith he) led a m is-
erable life
for 5. days togeather, with ye parched graine
of maize
only, and that not to saturitie; and then con-
cluds,
that shuch pains, shuch labours, and shuch hunger,
he thought
none living which is not a Spaniard could
have endured.
But alass! these, when they had maize
(yt
is, Indean corne) they thought it as good as a
feast, and
wanted not only for 5. days togeather, but
some time 2.
or 3. months togeather, and neither had
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 165
bread nor
any kind of corne. Indeed, in an other
place, in
his 2. Decade, page 94. he mentions how
others of
them were worse put to it, wher they were
faine to
eate doggs, toads, and dead men, and so
dyed almost
all. From these extremities the * Lord
in
his goodnes
kept these his people, and in their great
wants
preserved both their lives and healthes; let his
name have ye
praise. Yet let me hear make use of
his
conclusion, which in some sorte may be applied
to this
people: That with their miseries they
opened
a way to
these new-lands; and after these stormes, with
what ease
other men came to inhabite in them, in respecte
of ye
calamities these men suffered; so as they seeme to
goe to a
bride feaste wher all things are provided for
them.
They haveing but one boat left and she
not over
well fitted,
they were devided into severall companies,
6. or 7. to
a gangg or company, and so wente out
with a nett
they had bought, to take bass & such like
fish, by course,
every company knowing their turne.
No sooner
was ye boate discharged [98] of what she
brought, but
ye next company tooke her and wente
out with
her. Neither did they returne till they
had
cauight
something, though it were 5. or 6. days be-
fore, for
they knew ther was nothing at home, and to
goe home
emptie would be a great discouragemente
to ye
rest. Yea, they strive who should doe
best.
*They in the MS.
166 HISTORY OF [BOOK ll.
If she
stayed longe or got litle, then all went to seek-
ing of
shel-fish, which at low-water they digged out
of ye
sands. And this was their living in ye
somer
time, till
God sente ym beter; & in winter they were
helped with
ground-nuts and foule. Also in ye
somer
they gott
now & then a dear; for one or 2. of ye
fitest was
apoynted to range ye woods for yt end, &
what was
gott that way was devided amongst them.
At length they received some leters from ye
ad-
venturers,
too long and tedious hear to record, by
which they
heard of their furder crosses and frustra-
tions;
begining in this maner.
Loving freinds, as your sorrows &
afflictions have bin
great, so
our croses & interceptions in our proceedings hear,
have not
been small. For after we had with much
trouble
& charge
sente ye Parragon away to sea, and thought
all ye
paine past,
within 14. days after she came againe hither,
being
dangerously leaked, and brused with tempestious
stormes, so
as shee was faine to be had into ye
docke, and
an 100li. bestowed upon her. All ye
passengers lying upon
our charg
for 6. or 7. weeks, and much discontent and dis-
temper was
occasioned hereby, so as some dangerous evente
had like to
insewed. But we trust all shall be well
and
worke for ye best and your benefite, if yet with patience
you can
waite and but have strength to hold in life.
Whilst these
things were doing, Mr. Westons ship came
and brought
diverce leters from you, &c. It
rejoyseth us
much to hear
of those good reports yt diverce have brought
home from
you, &c.
These letters
were dated Des. 21: 1622.
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 167
So farr of
this leter.
This ship was brought by Mr.
John Peirce, and set
out at his
owne charge, upon hope of great maters.
These
passengers, & ye goods the company sent in
her, he
tooke in for fraught, for which they agreed
with him to
be delivered hear. This was he in whose
name their first
patente was taken, by reason of
aquaintance,
and some aliance that some of their
freinds had
with him. But his name was only used in
trust. But when he saw they were hear hopfully thus
seated, and
by ye success God gave them had obtained
ye
favour of ye Counsell of New-England, he goes and
sues to them
for another patent of much larger extente
(in their
names), which was easily obtained. But
he
mente to
keep it to him selfe and alow them what
he pleased,
to hold of him as tenants, and sue to his
courts as
cheefe Lord, as will appear by that which
follows. But ye Lord marvelously crost him;
for after
this first
returne, and ye charge above mentioned,
when shee
was againe fitted, he pesters him selfe and
taks in more
passengers, and those not very good to
help to bear
his losses, and sets out ye 2. time.
But
[99] what ye
event was will appear from another leter
from one of
ye cheefe of ye company, dated ye 9. of
Aprill,
1623. writ to ye Govr hear, as followeth.
Loving freind, when I write my last leter, I hope to have
received one
from you well-nigh by this time. But
when
I write in
Des: I litle thought to have seen Mr.
John
168 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
Peirce till
he had brought some good tidings from you.
But
it pleased
God, he brought us ye wofull tidings of his
returne when
he was half-way over, by extraime tempest,
werin ye goodnes & mercie of God appeared in sparing their
lives, being
109. souls. The loss is so great to Mr. Peirce,
&c., and
ye companie put upon so great charge, as
veryly, &c.
Now with great trouble & loss, we have
got Mr. John
Peirce to
assigne over ye grand patente to ye companie,
which he had
taken in his owne name, and made quite voyd
our former
grante. I am sorie to writ how many hear
thinke
yt the hand of God was justly against him, both ye first
and 2. time
of his returne; in regard he, whom you and
we so confidently
trusted, but only to use his name for ye
company,
should aspire to be lord over us all, and so make
you & us
tenants at his will and pleasure, our assurance
or patente
being quite voyd & disanuled by his means.
I
desire to
judg charitably of him. But his
unwillingnes to
part with
his royall Lordship, and ye high-rate he set it at,
which was
500li. which cost him but 50li., maks many speake
and judg
hardly of him. The company are out for
goods in
his ship,
with charge aboute ye passengers, 640li.,
&c.
We have agreed with 2. marchants for a
ship of 140.
tunes, caled
ye Anne, which is to be ready ye last of this
month, to
bring 60. passengers & 60. tune of goods, &c.
This was dated Aprill 9. 1623.
These were ther owne words and judgmente of
this
mans dealing
& proceedings; for I thought it more
meete to
render them in theirs then my owne words.
And yet
though ther was never got other recompence
then the
resignation of this patente, and ye shares he
had in
adventure, for all ye former great sumes, he
was never
quiet, but sued them in most of ye cheefe
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 169
courts in
England, and when he was still cast, brought
it to ye
Parlemente. But he is now dead, and I
will
leave him to
ye Lord.
This ship suffered ye greatest
extreemitie at sea at
her 2.
returne, that one shall lightly hear of, to be
saved; as I
have been informed by Mr. William Peirce
who was then
mr. of her, and many others that were
passengers
in her. It was aboute ye midle
of Feb:
The storme
was for ye most parte of 14. days, but
for 2. or 3.
days & nights togeather in most violent
extremitie. After they had cut downe their mast, ye
storme beat
of their round house and all their uper
works; 3.
men had worke enough at ye helme, and he
that cund ye
ship before ye sea, was faine [100] to be
bound fast
for washing a way; the seas did so over-
rake them,
as many times those upon ye decke knew
not whether
they were within bord or withoute; and
once she was
so foundered in ye sea as they all
thought she
would never rise againe. But yet ye
Lord
preserved them, and brought them at last safe
to Ports-mouth,
to ye wonder of all men yt saw in
what a case
she was in, and heard what they had
endured.
About ye later end of June
came in a ship, with
Captaine
Francis West, who had a comission to be
admirall of
New-England, to restraine interlopers, and
shuch
fishing ships as came to fish & trade without
a licence
from ye Counsell of New-England, for which
170 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
they should
pay a round sume of money. But he
could doe no
good of them, for they were to stronge
for him, and
he found ye fisher men to be stuberne
fellows. And their owners, upon complainte made to
ye
Parlemente, procured an order yt fishing should be
free. He tould ye Govr they
spooke with a ship at
sea, and
were abord her, yt was coming for this plan-
tation, in
which were sundrie passengers, and they
marvelled
she was not arrived, fearing some miscariage;
for they
lost her in a storme that fell shortly after
they had
been abord. Which relation filled them
full
of fear, yet
mixed with hope. The mr. of
this ship
had some 2.
hh of pease to sell, but seeing their
wants, held
them at 9li. sterling a hoggshead, & under
8li.
he would not take, and yet would have beaver at
an under
rate. But they tould him they had lived
so long with
out, and would doe still, rather then
give so
unreasonably. So they went from hence to
Virginia. *
*I may not
here omite how, notwithstand all their great paines & indns-
trie, and ye great hops of a large cropp, the Lord seemed to blast, & take
away the
same, and to threaten further & more sore famine unto them, by
a great
drought which continued from ye 3.
weeke in May, till about ye
midle of
July, without any raine, and with great heat (for ye most parte),
insomuch as
ye corne begane to wither away, though it
was set with fishe,
the moysture
wherof helped it much. Yet at length it
begane to languish
sore, and
some of ye drier grounds were partched like withered
hay, part
wherof was
never recovered. Upon which they sett a
parte a solemne day
of
humilliation, to seek ye Lord by humble & fervente prayer, in
this great
distrese. And he was pleased to give them a gracious
& speedy answer, both
to their
owne, & the lndeans admiration, that lived amongest them. For all
ye morning, and greatest part of the day, it was clear weather &
very hotte,
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANATION. 171
About 14. days after came in this ship,
caled ye
Anne, wherof
Mr. William Peirce was mr., and aboute
a weeke or
10. days after came in ye pinass which in
foule
weather they lost at sea, a fine new vessell of
about 44.
tune, which ye company had builte to stay
in the
cuntrie. They brought about 60. persons
for
ye
generall, some of them being very usefull persons,
and became
good members to ye body, and some were
ye
wives and children of shuch as were hear allready.
And some
were so bad, as they were faine to be at
charge to
send them home againe ye next year.
Also,
besids these
ther came a company, that did not belong
to ye
generall body, but came one* their perticuler,
and were to
have lands assigned them, and be for
them selves,
yet to be subjecte to ye generall Gov-
and not a
cloud or any signe of raine to be seen, yet toward evening it
begane to
overcast, and shortly after to raine, with shuch sweete and gentle
showers, as
gave them cause of rejoyceing, & blesing God. It came, without
either wind,
or thunder, or any violence, and by degreese in yt abundance,
as that ye earth was thorowly were and soked therwith. Which did so
apparently
revive & quicken ye decayed Corne & other fruits, as was
won-
derfull to
see, and made ye Indeans astonished to behold; and afterwards
the
Lord sent
them shuch seasonable showers, with enterchange of faire warme
weather, as,
through his blessing, caused a fruitfull & liberall harvest, to
their no
small comforte and rejoycing. For which
mercie (in time con-
veniente)
they also sett aparte a day of thanksgiveing.
This being overslipt
in its
place, I thought meet here to inserte ye
same.
[The above is written on the reverse of
page 103 of the original, and
should
properly be inserted here. This passage,
"being overslipt in its
place,"
the author at first wrote it, or the most of it, under the preceding
year; but,
discovering his error before completing it, drew his pen across it,
and wrote
beneath, "This is to be here rased out, and is to be placed on
page 103, wher
it is inserted."]
* On.
172 HISTORY OF [BOOK II.
erment;
which caused some diferance and disturbance
[101]
amongst them, as will after appeare. I
shall
hear againe
take libertie to inserte a few things out
of shuch
leters as came in this shipe, desiring rather
to manefest
things in ther words and apprehentions,
then in my
owne, as much as may be, without
tediousness.
Beloved freinds, I kindly salute you all,
with trust of
your healths
& wellfare, being right sorie yt no
supplie hath
been made to
you all this while; for defence wher of, I
must referr
you to our generall leters. Naitheir
indeed have
we now sent
you many things, which we should & would,
for want of
money. But persons, more then inough,
(though
not all we
should,) for people come flying in upon us, but
monys come
creeping in to us. Some few of your old
freinds are
come, as, &c. So they come droping
to you,
and by
degrees, I hope ere long you shall enjoye them all.
And because
people press so hard upon us to goe, and often
shuch as are
none of ye fitest, I pray you write ernestly to
ye Treasurer and directe what persons should be sente. It
greeveth me
to see so weake a company sent you, and yet
had I not
been hear they had been weaker. You must
still
call upon
the company hear to see yt honest men be sente
you, and
threaten to send them back if any other come, &c.
Weare not
any way so much in danger, as by corrupte an
noughty
persons. Shuch, and shuch, came without
my con-
sente; but ye importunitie of their freinds got promise of
our
Treasurer in my absence. Neither is ther
need we
should take
any lewd men, for we may have honest men
enew,
&c.
Your assured freind,
R. C.
1623.] PLYMOUTH PLANTATION. 173
The
following was from ye genrall.
Loving freinds, we most hartily salute
you in all love and
harty
affection; being yet in hope yt the
same God which
hath
hithertoo preserved you in a marvelous maner, doth yet
continue
your lives and health, to his owne praise and all
our
comforts. Being right sory that you have
not been sent
unto all
this time, &c. We have in this ship
sent shuch
women, as
were willing and ready to goe to their husbands
and freinds,
with their children, &c. We would
not have
you
discontente, because we have not sent you more of your
old freinds,
and in spetiall, him* on whom you most depend.
Farr be it
from us to neclecte you, or contemne him.
But
as ye intente was at first, so ye
evente at last shall shew it,
that we will
deal fairly, and squarly answer your expec-
tations to
the full. Ther are also come unto you,
some
honest men
to plant upon their particulers besids you.
A
thing which
if we should not give way unto, we should wrong
both them
and you. Them, by puting them on things more
inconveniente,
and you, for that being honest men, they will
be a
strengthening to ye place, and good neighbours [102]
unto
you. Tow things we would advise you of,
which we
have likwise
signified them hear. First, ye trade for skins
to be retained
for the generall till ye devidente; 21y. yt their
setling by
you, be with shuch distance of place as is neither
inconvenient
for ye lying of your lands, nor hurtfull to your
speedy &
easie assembling togeather.
We have sente you diverse fisher men, with
salte, &c.
Diverse
other provissions we have sente you, as will appear
in your bill
of lading, and though we have not sent all we
would
(because our cash is small), yet it is yt we
could, &c.